An Electoral Pivot That Restores Brazil’s Democracy

In the presidential election in Brazil, on 30 October (second round), a two-time former president and leader of the left-wing Workers’ Party (PT), Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva – Universally known as Lulas , Defeats far-right President Jair Bolsonaro, The election could not have been more important or more consequential; No less than a referendum on democracy. Mr. Lula’s victory ends A’s rule right wing populist which has relentlessly attacked democratic institutions, feared misogyny and homosexuality, celebrated gun culture, portrayed Brazilian slum dwellers as criminals and drug traffickers, and Amazon accelerated the burning. There is little doubt that a second term would have Bolsonaro emphasizing an authoritarian turn, with a deep reliance on the military to run the government, with the ongoing politicization of Brazil’s once-strong federal bureaucracy, the packing and erosion of the Supreme Court. . Civil liberties at the hands of a federal police force behold Mr. Bolsonaro.

what does lula’s return mean

The electoral axis brings back the centre-left party that presided over an era of dramatic poverty-reduction and expanded social rights from 2003–2014. It brings back a coalition of Brazil’s large and disproportionately poor working class (the social class that supported Mr Lula the most), women who still support Mr Lula in a deeply patriarchal society and progressive elements. Huh. the middle class. It promises to roll back policies that support moderate redistribution and, including slowing down, commitment to deepening social rights and environmental protection. The World-Wicking Destruction of the Amazon, But perhaps, most decisively, Mr. Lula’s return brings back a leader and party that has played a historic role in strengthening Brazil’s democracy, and when in power, promotes participatory democracy anywhere. To have pioneered some of the boldest and most effective efforts. democratic world.

Mr Lula’s victory margin was narrow, from Bolsonaro’s 48.1% to 51.9%, the lowest in Brazilian presidential history. Given Mr. Bolsonaro’s disastrous management of the COVID-19 crisis, his relentless attacks on democratic institutions and basic science, his habit of appointing unqualified sycophants (often military generals) as ministers, and scandals, elections and pundits almost The constant current was given uniformly. Lula’s runaway victory was predicted just a few months earlier.

The first round of elections held on 2 October revealed a deep stock of conservatism in Brazil as well as a very effective reactionary coalition. Mr. Bolsonaro not only did better than predicted, but his right-wing allies in Congress and the gubernatorial elections outperformed all other parties. The roots of the conservatism lie in Mr. Bolsonaro’s alliance with the Evangelical Churches, a rapidly growing demographic that now accounts for a third of Brazil and supports traditional family values ​​that include opposition to same-sex marriage and abortion.

In Bolsonaro, a reactionary way of politics

But it was also reactionary, in the sense of a concerted effort to roll back the social achievements of previous PT governments, ruling in the independence of liberal institutions such as the judiciary and bureaucracy, freeing police forces and allied militias to fight criminality – which often war doesn’t make sense favela Giving free reign to the (slum) population – and to regional interests such as the agri-business and its anti-environmental agenda.

The reactionary mode of politics was in full display during the campaign. Political violence had increased, much of it fueled by Mr Bolsonaro’s supporters. Social media disinformation reached new heights, with WhatsApp groups sparking conspiracy theories and an endless stream of vitriol, including claims that Mr. Lula made a pact with Satan to shut down churches if he came to power. did. Evangelical preachers openly campaigned for Mr. Bolsonaro. The federal police and right-wing businesses, militias with links to Mr. Bolsonaro, were all mobilized.

editorial | Coming second: on Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s victory in Brazil

Mr Lula’s victory was initially sparked by opposition from Mr Bolsonaro’s supporters and calls for the military to intervene. But Brazilian institutions have held fast and most of Bolsonaro’s political allies have publicly acknowledged the result. Mr Lula’s return to power – his presidency begins on January 1 – bodes well for democracy. After Mr. Bolsonaro is gone, the public sector is no longer his constant ” discurso d’audio“(hate speech) and can actually return to debates about social policies, the economy and the safety of the Amazon. Despite the unfavorable economic climate and Congress and the Senate, which have strong representation of extreme right-wing groups, Mr. Lula has maneuvered To begin with, he would be able to build on some of the impressive bureaucratic capacity that had been created earlier in the PT period, but was distorted by Mr. Bolsonaro. This along with the health and social welfare bureaucracy- With will be particularly important in strengthening the capacity of the Environmental Protection Agency.

Ironically, Mr. Lula will also be able to take advantage of some of Mr. Bolsonaro’s own initiatives. Although ideologically hostile to state welfare, the COVID-19 pandemic forced Mr Bolsonaro’s hand as he injected more cash. Brazil’s Cash Transfer Program (Bolsa Familia), the signature achievement of Mr. Lula in his last two terms in office. Mr. Lula will now be able to recreate it. As conservative in Brazil, as in India, there is broad-based support for the expansion of welfare measures. The difference is that while Mr. Bolsonaro tried to patriarchalize welfare, creating a direct link between him and the beneficiaries, a PT government would insist on linking welfare to basic social rights, and possibly even broadening the criteria for inclusion. Will make

an organization man

So what does this all mean? First, it is the most decisive reversal of the great wave I have called the “era of reaction” – a wave that has seen reactionary regimes come to power in many electoral democracies, including Western Europe (most recently, Italy). Eastern Europe, the United States (Trumpism, which is set to make a comeback in US congressional elections this week), India and the Philippines. Like all of these regimes, Mr. Bolsonaro weaponized the classic conservative call to rejuvenate church, family and nation, from various “others”, including mixed communists, secularists, human rights activists and immigrants, from existential cultural There was a sense of danger. The case of religious or racial groups of India and Brazil.

Second, Mr. Lula’s victory overturns the growing narrative that control-and-balance liberal institutions of democracy are ineffective and elite-dominated, and must be replaced by direct support for the great leader. For all his personal popularity and charisma, Mr. Lula has always been a man of institution: first as a union leader, then as the builder of a party that has a strong internal democratic culture, and finally as president. as those who have stood firm in their support. to democratic norms and practices. Third, PT’s return to power demonstrates that even in a world of increasing uncertainty and inequality, there is potential for a broad coalition of poor and progressive elements of the middle class to form. Right-wing populists have long ridiculed issues such as gender rights, fighting climate change, cultural pluralism and racial inclusion as politically correct cultural elites. Mr. Lula’s social base and his track record show that these are and should be universal concerns and that the pursuit of social justice and social equality begins with a commitment to inclusive democracy.

Patrick Heller is Brown University Professor of Sociology and International and Public Affairs