Can BJP’s strategy be successful in Karnataka?

The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Karnataka has launched a massive anti-Muslim project in the state. It has thrown the entire weight of state power behind this exercise, interpreting the law in a way that spans the project.

point of departure

This attack on Muslims is unprecedented. Not that Karnataka has been without its share of communal struggles. The past few decades have seen several instances of extreme communal violence across the state, and most notably, in its ‘metropolitan’ capital Bengaluru. But the current initiative by the state’s ruling party marks a major departure from the past in at least two important ways.

First, the current wave of communalism is clearly planned. There have been incidents in the past which have led to communal outrage. Although these events had tragic consequences, the intensity of the conflict subsided after the anger reached its peak. In the present case, BJP has many issues, and they are acted upon one after the other. There is clearly an effort to keep communal tension at a constant high level, perhaps till the state elections next year.

The second point of departure is in the nature of the issues being raised. The religiosity that accompanied the anger in the previous communal conflicts came from a feeling of being victimised. Each community made a case that it was a victim of a particular set of events. In the current era, the claim of being a victim has often languished in the background. Hindus are in no way affected by what Muslim girls wear to school, but that hasn’t stopped the BJP and its government from making the wearing of hijab a point of concrete action by the state.

an element of desperation

There is an element of desperation in its political strategy to the extent to which the BJP is willing to go to its communalism project in Karnataka. Even as the state is known as the BJP’s fortress in the south, the party’s political influence in Karnataka has been somewhat weak. in 2013 assembly election After BS Yediyurappa quit the party, the BJP was competing for the second spot with the Janata Dal (Secular). Return of Mr. Yediyurappa Certainly boosted the party’s fortunes in 2018, but it was still short of a majority.

When It came to power in 2019This was due to the defection of Congress and JD(S), which formed a coalition government in 2018. While defectors got their pound of meat in terms of ministries and other perks, the party’s ability to control its other legislators was eroded. The consequences of this lack of control were rampant corruption, with the contractors’ union claiming they expected to be paid 40% as commission. With the performance clearly not the strong point of its administration, the BJP is back on a communal struggle to come to power in the next elections.

What is the RSS concept of Akhand Bharat? , in focus podcast

a polite opposition

The BJP has been greatly aided in this project by the utter ideological surrender of the opposition parties in Karnataka. Congress is largely silent. Former Chief Minister Siddaramaiah has been challenging the government on communalism, but he is clearly fighting a lone battle. The silence of Congress leaders in the state is deaf. In fact, even the JD(S) has been more vocal in its criticism of the BJP’s communalism project in recent weeks. But as a party that has forged an alliance with the BJP in the past, the JD(S) is known to swing between challenging communalism and trying to profit from it.

popular fight

With opposition political parties deciding that discretion is the better part of valor, people have been left to their own devices. And in challenging the BJP’s project, they have done a better job than the opposition parties. First, they have defended their syncretic traditions. biggest festival of bangalore, centuries old will, was resumed in full form this month after a break of two years due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Organizers clarified that this would include a traditional tour of the main mosque in the area. 900 years old The Chennakeshava temple at Belur also followed its traditional practice. Maulvi recite from Quran at the start of his festival.

In response to whom was the more widespread public resistance to the communalism project? BJP’s campaign against Halal meat this year. It was a shoddy disguise to hurt the livelihood of Muslim butchers. Hindu customers of halal meat simply refused to come along with the campaign. They did not want to be told which meat they should consume, especially by a group that was considered to be predominantly vegetarian.

In order to halt the project of communalism, these spontaneous elements of local resistance need to influence larger political processes. It’s not impossible. The path of extreme communal struggle may not necessarily be in the interest of all those who were responsible for the rise of BJP in Karnataka. A key component of Mr Yediyurappa’s strategy for the party was the mobilization of Lingayat monasteries. These institutions have created their spheres of influence, sometimes over the centuries. As the BJP moves towards extreme communalism, the influence of the RSS becomes more visible. At least some monads can be pushed to the background in the process. The head of a mutt has also publicly stated that the mutt has to pay a 30% commission to release the funds allocated by the state government.

It is also possible that the party will have to decide on the negative international repercussions of the communalism project on investment in Bengaluru. Most foreign investors will have to keep in mind the cost of investing in a city that is on the path of sectarian strife by the government. It is a matter of concern that the head of Biocon, Kiran Mazumdar-Shaw has given voice, However, interestingly, the IT industry has not come out openly in support of him. In contrast, some people associated with the IT industry have joined the campaign of communalism on social media. They clearly believe that they will benefit more by standing behind the government in its extreme communalism campaign than by worrying about investors in Bengaluru. If their own investments are affected, they may be involved in the flight of capital out of the city to other states in India or even abroad.

Thus the political fate of the BJP’s extreme communalism project hangs in the balance. The party probably thinks that at the time of the next elections, it can create enough hatred for Muslims to promote Hindu unity. But it is not clear whether the people of Karnataka will give up all syncretistic traditions. What is worrying, however, is that the campaign will incur its own cost, including widespread social and economic damage that may not be limited to Muslims.

(Narendra Pani is Professor and Dean, School of Social Sciences, Head, Inequality and Human Development Programme, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bengaluru)