As a complex tragedy, a range of actions need to be taken as a solution – from security to justice to reconciliation.
In the last two weeks, 11. more than civilians and naval personnel have been killed by militants in Kashmir Valley. most of The target citizens have been Hindus, although there have been Muslims, and also a Sikh. NS Kashmiri Pandits and migrant laborers are among the Hindus killed..
fear, insecurity
The immediate response to these killings has been a flight of Pandits who had returned to the Valley under the 2006 Prime Minister’s Program for the Return and Rehabilitation of Migrants, who had offered jobs to Pandit teachers in the Valley. Pandit organizations say that a third of the returnees are gone; Even those 800 families who have gone through the years of insurgency have started leaving. Though Kashmiri political parties and civil society as well as the administration of Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha have urged him to stay, his arguments are unconvincing given the real insecurity created by the killings.
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The plight of migrant laborers is equally dire. Most are leaving the Valley and trying to return to their home states. The administration has ordered that those who cannot return immediately be given shelter in police stations and protected camps. In other words, like refugees. Whether they will be given assistance to return to their homes remains to be seen; Chances are they will.
These two groups are not the only ones wanting to escape. A new wave of fear has swept through the valley, with most residents fearing that they may be caught between the insurgents and the administration. Reportedly, over 700 people have been detained by the police on suspicion of supporting terrorism. Meanwhile, according to intelligence agencies, possible extremist targets include religious leaders, punch and media.
It was widely speculated that the Taliban’s takeover in Afghanistan would encourage Pakistani armed groups to revive cross-border infiltration. Now it seems that his strategy repeats elements of the insurgency of the 1990s. As was the case then, the rebellion was foreseen by attacks on Pandits, who were seen by Islamist extremists as an arm of India because they were Hindus, and Muslims who worked in state administrations or central Indian agencies such as Doordarshan.
attack and aim
The attacks were intended to communalize the valley and cripple its administration, and over time were successful in doing so, though only partially. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s ceasefire talks with armed groups across the border in 2000 were shattered by the killing of more than 100 Bihari workers, but after years of peace-building, from 2002–2014, a greater degree of administration and conditions were restored. For the return of Pandits born – sadly at a very slow pace – and migrant labourers.
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Whether cross-border and local terrorist groups succeed in communalising the Valley once again is a matter of debate. Much depends on the policy adopted by the union administration in response.
It involves two completely different issues: one, reassuring the minorities in Kashmir as well as reassuring the wider population of the Valley; Second, a rethinking of its counter-terrorism strategy, including its cross-border tents.
some assurance
Happily, every opinion group in Kashmir has condemned the killings. Mosques have aired their criticism. Kashmiri political parties have opposed such extremism, as have political leaders including the Hurriyat and Mirwaiz Umar Farooq. Civil society groups have issued statements of protest. Local community leaders and neighbors have visited the homes of the pundits to offer help and support. If encouraged, this wave at the ground level can provide a strong foundation for assurance.
Incentives can start with the Lieutenant Governor. So far, Mr Sinha’s administration has consulted neither Kashmiri Pandit organizations, or the various groups condemning the killings, on which steps can be taken to restore a degree of confidence. This is surprising, given that these groups, lumped together, comprise a formidable cross-section of public opinion, and with their support, extremism can once again be socially marginalised, As it was during the peace-building years.
From the available information, it appears that most recent civilian killings have been termed by the military as ‘hybrid militants’, as they are locally recruited and trained, regular jobs and part-time terrorists using basic weapons. Huh. Country Pistol. The implication is that despite counter-terrorism successes in demeaning large armed groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed, with widespread public support, the sphere of insurgency remains more spread. In this context, any opportunity to marginalize extremism is significant.
blow for kashmiri pandits
Many have started asking whether Kashmiri Pandits will ever be able to return to the Valley, as promised by the Narendra Modi administration in August 2019. There is no doubt that the recent civilian killings have been a major blow to the prospects of a comeback. It is also the case that Kashmiri Pandit organizations have complained of administrative neglect on returns in the past one year. It is repeatedly said by some of them that the administration, while focusing on the returnees, needs to focus on the safety of the Pandit families who have never gone. Their condition has worsened as their numbers dwindle. Although less covered by the media, the same problem has begun to affect the Sikh minority, whose numbers have dwindled over the past decade.
The Kashmiri Pandit tragedy has been ongoing for 30 years now, and like all complex tragedies, requires a range of actions, from protection to justice to reconciliation. Begin with security, which is the first requirement to enable justice and reconciliation, it is a mistake to imagine that only gated enclaves will provide this, or even risk intensifying counter-insurgency operations. will decrease. Each measure is useful if combined with community support, but neither is itself a solution to the security dilemma. True, targeted killings will stop only when there is insurgency. But our own experience as well as peace-building with counter-terrorism has proven to be more efficient in ending extremism in democratic countries than insurgency alone around the world. So far, the union administration has not organized any olive branch; In contrast, the implementation of the August 2019 decisions has added one cause of outrage after another, the latest being the multiple-use of Article 311(2) to sack government employees without any inquiry or hearing. A policy for recovery of Pandit property which had not been thought of did not help either; Apparently it has now been fixed.
Political science and sociology both tell us that vulnerable majorities are unlikely to protect vulnerable minorities; It focuses on its existence. The recent arrests of more than 700 people following civilian killings have heightened the majority’s sense of insecurity, as it raises questions about why police intelligence has not narrowed the field of suspects, of course, professionally. should be necessary.
outlook for pakistan
The Narendra Modi administration appears to have recently taken a multi-pronged approach to Pakistan, beginning with a ceasefire and inviting the Pakistani National Security Advisor for a regional meeting on Afghanistan, while the Army Crossing the border has been given a free hand. Infiltration Then why is it not adopting a similar multi-pronged approach in the Valley, where civil and human rights are severely restricted and the administration lacks the transparency that the Monitoring and Grievance Redressal Commission provides? Without holistic civil and human rights, how can minority rights be protected or minority returns encouraged?
Radha Kumar is a writer and policy analyst
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