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Opposition leaders from the north, notably Akhilesh Yadav of Uttar Pradesh (UP) and Tejashwi Yadav of Bihar, pose for photographs with Dravidian leader and Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin on his 70th birthday in Chennai on March 1. He called for ousting the BJP from power in Delhi. Following this, internet rumors began to circulate about ‘attacks’ on Hindi speakers in the state. Tejashwi Yadav is now the Deputy Chief Minister of BiharIs taking the lead in bringing the opposition parties together.
The BJP’s plans for 2024 will be ruined if it loses its hold on the two crucial states of UP and Bihar. Akhilesh and Tejashwi, both Yadavs, are staunch critics of the BJP. In Bihar, an alliance between RJD led by Tejashwi and JDU led by Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has the potential to shake up the Hindutva agenda of the BJP.
As fake news spread of attacks on Hindi speaking people in Tamil Nadu – all fabricated, videos of violent incidents or accidents were used as far as Rajasthan, which had nothing to do with ethnicity – BJP in Bihar blamed Nitish Kumar and Tejashwi Yadav started giving The chief ministers of TN and Bihar, Stalin and Nitish respectively, clarified that the rumor had no basis. Tamil Nadu’s ruling party, fearful of any possibility of Hindi imposition in the state, launched a campaign in Hindi to assure migrant workers that they would be protected. Migrants from North India are an integral part of Tamil Nadu’s economy,
According to the Confederation of Real Estate Developers Association of India (CREDAI), Tamil Nadu, the expatriate community oversees 85% of work in large projects and 70% in medium-scale projects. It also has a clear presence in manufacturing, textiles, construction and hospitality. A A 2015 Tamil Nadu Labor Department survey estimated that there were about 11.5 lakh migrant workers in the state.
Indians are moving in increasing numbers within the country and abroad. This movement takes place from places of high fertility to places of low fertility and higher economic opportunities. The 2011 census put the number of internal migrants in India at 453.6 million, which is 37% of the country’s population. This number included both inter-state migrants and migrants within each state.
District-wise migration data in the Economic Survey 2016-17 showed that the highest inflow of migrants within the country was in city-districts such as Gurugram, Delhi and Mumbai; with Gautam Buddha Nagar (Uttar Pradesh); Indore and Bhopal (Madhya Pradesh); Bengaluru (Karnataka); and Tiruvallur, Chennai, Kancheepuram, Erode and Coimbatore (Tamil Nadu). The maximum movement of migrant workers was from Muzaffarnagar, Bijnor, Moradabad, Rampur, Kaushambi, Faizabad and 33 other districts of Uttar Pradesh; Uttarkashi, Chamoli, Rudra Prayag, Tehri Garhwal, Pauri Garhwal, Pithoragarh, Bageshwar, Almora and Champawat in Uttarakhand; Churu, Jhunjhunu and Pali in Rajasthan; Darbhanga, Gopalganj, Siwan, Saran, Sheikhpura, Bhojpur, Buxar and Jehanabad in Bihar; Dhanbad, Lohardaga and Gumla in Jharkhand; and Ratnagiri and Sindhudurg in Maharashtra.
“Relatively less developed states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh have higher net out-migration. Relatively more developed states tend to have a positive CMM (cohort-based migration metric) value reflecting net immigration: Goa, Delhi, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka. The biggest recipient was the Delhi region, which accounted for more than half the migration in 2015-16, while Uttar Pradesh and Bihar together accounted for half the total migrants. The Economic Survey states that Maharashtra, Goa and Tamil Nadu have seen large numbers of net migration, while Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh have seen large numbers of net migration.
For the DMK and Dravidian politics, the recent flare-up was a reminder of the state’s ties with Hindi-speaking regions that are essential to its economic progress. To maintain its economic growth trajectory, TN will have to rely on a workforce from the north – mainly Hindi and Bengali speaking. While there are historical reasons for opposing the BJP’s Hindi agenda, the risk of Dravidian politics getting out of hand in the current situation is very real.
However, for the BJP, it seems that the South vs North divide could become a key issue in its 2024 strategy. Opposition to the BJP is emerging from peripheral regions of India – for example Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Telangana and West Bengal, where its stakes are limited. The BJP uses its Kashmir policy as a show of strength to Hindi voters, who favor it more than the national average. The BJP does not want to win seats in Tamil Nadu, Jammu and Kashmir or Kerala; There are places that appear as shaky boundaries in the party’s narrative to the Hindi electorate. Painting his opponents in the Hindi belt – in this case Tejashwi and Nitish – as accomplices of Southern rebels is a salivating idea, but an extremely dangerous one.
Fake news of attacks on Hindi speaking people also match with the real news of central agencies CBI and ED getting active in cases against Yadav family, This is yet more evidence of how these are all part of an integrated coordinated strategy. Internal migration is reshaping the political and ethnic character of all regions of India. If parties stoke tensions for electoral gains, rather than nurturing the potential for integration that this new wave of people-mixing brings, it could be dangerous. That’s the big picture.
federalism path
a hindutva movie list before 2024
Bharatiya Chitra Sadhana (BCS), an RSS-affiliated organization, is spearheading the agenda of adapting the story to popular culture, especially cinema, in line with the Hindutva narrative. BCS is inspired by Sanskar Bharati, which was a unit of RSS formed to promote Indian art, culture and fine arts. The purpose of this organization was to counter the influence of the left-leaning Indian People’s Theater Association (IPTA) in the 1950s and beyond.
In recent times the BJP leadership has come out in support of films like Emperor Prithviraj, which was offered tax exemption by two BJP-ruled states: Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. Similarly, The Kashmir Files It was made tax-free in six BJP-ruled states, and government employees were given holidays and free tickets to watch the film.
Some of the films in the pipeline depict biographies of Hindutva icons and history. The film is produced by Ranjit Sharma I am Deendayal Based on the life of Bharatiya Jana Sangh ideologue Pandit Deendayal Upadhyay. There is a biopic on Hindutva ideologue VD Savarkar Swatantryaveer Savarkar, is in production, with actor Randeep Hooda in the lead role. i stand firm In which Pankaj Tripathi plays the role of BJP veteran and former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, will release in theaters in December 2023. Dr. HedgewarA biopic on RSS founder KB Hedgewar, to hit the theaters in October 2023. saffron flag Another big-budget period drama tracing the roots of the RSS, written by director SS Rajamouli’s father and screenwriter V. Vijayendra Prasad.
These films are no longer made on the lines of purely propaganda films. PM Narendra Modi Released in 2019. Now Hindutva-oriented directors and filmmakers are looking for more subtle film themes that cannot be directly identified as propaganda. They are somewhat creative in their content, such as those produced by director Rajkumar Santoshi. Gandhi Godse – a warBased on a fictional conversation between Gandhi and Godse.
Film historian Ajay Brahmatmaj is of the opinion that now the BJP and RSS want to use the “soft power of cinema” to their advantage By building a narrative around its icon ahead of the 2024 elections.
Nagas got women MPs, Ministers
In the recently concluded state assembly elections in Nagaland, Salhoutuonuo Kruse has created history by becoming the first MLA of the state along with Hekani Jakhlu, both of Nagaland’s regional party Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP). it is Nagaland has elected a woman legislator for the first time,
Fear among tribals in Tripura
Tripura has seen a steady decline in its tribal population for more than a century, and the new tribal party in the state reflects their insecurity. The population of Tripura in 1901 was 1.73 lakhs, of which tribals constituted about 52.89%. By 1941, the total population increased to 5.13 lakhs with 50.09% tribal majority. But By 1981, the tribal population declined to 28.44% of the total population of 2.05 million. Due to a number of socio-political developments.
The Tipra Indigenous Progressive Regional Alliance (TIPRA) Motha, a regional party formed by former royalty Pradyot Bikram Manikya Debbarma after quitting the Congress, made an impressive debut in the recent state election by winning 13 seats in the 60-strong assembly. In Tripura since the 1970s, the influx of Bengali speakers has led to the marginalization of tribals in cultural spheres, education and politics. This has given rise to resentment and insecurity among the community, paving the way for the emergence of Tipra Motha. Today, Bengalis constitute 70% of Tripura’s population, which is more than the number of tribals in the state. The Bengali community has historically been divided between Leftist and Congress supporters. The Left parties, especially the CPI(M), have a strong influence among the working population and the intelligentsia, while the Congress party is mainly concentrated in urban areas.