Kabul: as Taliban They turn their attention away from extremism to the government, the regional chapter of their most formidable rival Islamic State, which has staged several bloody attacks in recent weeks.
At least 19 people, including a senior Taliban commander, were killed and dozens more injured at a military hospital in Kabul on Tuesday in the latest atrocities claimed by the Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K).
This was followed by the massacre of hundreds of Shia Muslims at a mosque last month, and a suicide bombing that killed more than 100 people, including 13 US soldiers, during an American troop evacuation in August.
Here’s a look at the rivalry between the two groups:
The Islamic State group came to prominence when it declared a “caliphate” in Syria in 2014.
This inspired several other branches, including “Khorasan”, a historical region taking over parts of modern-day Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan, and Turkmenistan.
Jean-Luc Maret of the French think tank The Foundation for Strategic Research described IS-K as “a group of former jihadist organizations including Uighurs and Uzbeks, and Taliban defenders”.
According to UN estimates, IS-K has between 500 and a few thousand fighters in northern and eastern Afghanistan, including cells under the Taliban’s nose in the capital, Kabul.
From 2020, the group is reputedly led by a . Has been doing Shahab al-Muhajiro, Whose nom de guerre It turns out that he came to this region from the Arab world but his origins remain unclear.
He has been an al-Qaeda commander or a former member of the Haqqani network, one of the most powerful and feared factions of the Taliban.
IS-K is responsible for some of the deadliest attacks in the region in recent years, killing civilians in mosques, shrines, public squares and even hospitals in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
The group has specifically targeted Muslims from sects it considers heretical, including Shia – much like the original IS group.
It was hit hard by both Taliban and US-led forces and was losing influence, but its attacks have intensified since its rival Islamists came to power in August.
according to the researcher abdul saeed Of online insurgency tracker ExTrac, Shahad called for “a renewed emphasis on urban warfare and symbolic violence”.
Many IS-K fighters fought for the Taliban or affiliated groups, or came from insurgent movements inspired by al-Qaeda.
While both the Taliban and IS-K are staunchly Sunni Islamist militants, they differ on strategy and interpretation of the religion, claiming to be the true flag bearers of jihad.
Despite a history of targeting Shias, the Taliban have now vowed to protect them. IS-K, however, is intent on eradicating groups it considers “apostate”.
The 2021 Taliban aims to rule Afghanistan under its own interpretation of Islamic law, while IS-K is still committed to the goal of a global “caliphate”.
While differences deepen, the boundary between groups is porous, and fighters can switch sides as their commanders’ ideas and opportunities develop.
“IS-K has previously been successful in recruiting members dissatisfied with the Taliban and who view the Taliban as too moderate,” it said. Barbara KelemanDragonfly Security Intelligence Key.
“With the Taliban now implementing some liberal reforms, there is a high probability that (IS-K) will try to capitalize.”
The ousted US-backed government in Afghanistan received hundreds of billions of dollars in support and security aid, but could defeat neither the Taliban nor IS-K.
Now the Taliban confront IS-K with very little outside aid, and none of the sophisticated intelligence and surveillance deployed by foreign forces.
However they know their enemy and the terrain, and announced the destruction of an IS-K cell in Kabul after a suicide attack last month.
And they have the potential support of two groups who know IS-K’s strategy very well.
According to a report by the US-based Soufan Center: “To counter IS-K, the Taliban is going to rely on manpower, combat expertise and logistical support on the Haqqani network, al-Qaeda and other violent non-state actors.
At least 19 people, including a senior Taliban commander, were killed and dozens more injured at a military hospital in Kabul on Tuesday in the latest atrocities claimed by the Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K).
This was followed by the massacre of hundreds of Shia Muslims at a mosque last month, and a suicide bombing that killed more than 100 people, including 13 US soldiers, during an American troop evacuation in August.
Here’s a look at the rivalry between the two groups:
The Islamic State group came to prominence when it declared a “caliphate” in Syria in 2014.
This inspired several other branches, including “Khorasan”, a historical region taking over parts of modern-day Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan, and Turkmenistan.
Jean-Luc Maret of the French think tank The Foundation for Strategic Research described IS-K as “a group of former jihadist organizations including Uighurs and Uzbeks, and Taliban defenders”.
According to UN estimates, IS-K has between 500 and a few thousand fighters in northern and eastern Afghanistan, including cells under the Taliban’s nose in the capital, Kabul.
From 2020, the group is reputedly led by a . Has been doing Shahab al-Muhajiro, Whose nom de guerre It turns out that he came to this region from the Arab world but his origins remain unclear.
He has been an al-Qaeda commander or a former member of the Haqqani network, one of the most powerful and feared factions of the Taliban.
IS-K is responsible for some of the deadliest attacks in the region in recent years, killing civilians in mosques, shrines, public squares and even hospitals in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
The group has specifically targeted Muslims from sects it considers heretical, including Shia – much like the original IS group.
It was hit hard by both Taliban and US-led forces and was losing influence, but its attacks have intensified since its rival Islamists came to power in August.
according to the researcher abdul saeed Of online insurgency tracker ExTrac, Shahad called for “a renewed emphasis on urban warfare and symbolic violence”.
Many IS-K fighters fought for the Taliban or affiliated groups, or came from insurgent movements inspired by al-Qaeda.
While both the Taliban and IS-K are staunchly Sunni Islamist militants, they differ on strategy and interpretation of the religion, claiming to be the true flag bearers of jihad.
Despite a history of targeting Shias, the Taliban have now vowed to protect them. IS-K, however, is intent on eradicating groups it considers “apostate”.
The 2021 Taliban aims to rule Afghanistan under its own interpretation of Islamic law, while IS-K is still committed to the goal of a global “caliphate”.
While differences deepen, the boundary between groups is porous, and fighters can switch sides as their commanders’ ideas and opportunities develop.
“IS-K has previously been successful in recruiting members dissatisfied with the Taliban and who view the Taliban as too moderate,” it said. Barbara KelemanDragonfly Security Intelligence Key.
“With the Taliban now implementing some liberal reforms, there is a high probability that (IS-K) will try to capitalize.”
The ousted US-backed government in Afghanistan received hundreds of billions of dollars in support and security aid, but could defeat neither the Taliban nor IS-K.
Now the Taliban confront IS-K with very little outside aid, and none of the sophisticated intelligence and surveillance deployed by foreign forces.
However they know their enemy and the terrain, and announced the destruction of an IS-K cell in Kabul after a suicide attack last month.
And they have the potential support of two groups who know IS-K’s strategy very well.
According to a report by the US-based Soufan Center: “To counter IS-K, the Taliban is going to rely on manpower, combat expertise and logistical support on the Haqqani network, al-Qaeda and other violent non-state actors.
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