Winning Formula: The Hindu Editorial on BJP’s Politics of Communal Polarization

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) retained power in all four states. It was held among five people who voted between February 10 and March 7, while Congress lost to Aam Aadmi Party, which it had, Punjab (You). BJP overcame fatigue and popular disenchantment accumulated over last five years Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, GoaAnd ManipurWhereas in Punjab the Congress collapsed. The popularity of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who remained a central figure in the BJP’s campaign, contributed significantly to the party’s victory; For the Congress, the leadership of the Gandhi family has become more of a burden than its moves ahead of the elections, which directly contributed to the party’s Punjab debacle. Fabulous AAP victory in Punjab opens New possibilities for the rise of a national alternative For the BJP, but, for the time being, the latter’s election appeal appears to be invincible. A combination of identity appeals, welfare promises and strong rhetoric helped the winners – the BJP in four states and the AAP in Punjab. Caste-oriented social justice frames have little power as a mobilization strategy, as evidenced by the collapse of the Samajwadi Party (SP) version in UP and the Congress version in Punjab. Dynastic politics can be taken as a sure defeat – many of the losing parties have been led by families controlled by families for generations – the Congress, the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), the Samajwadi Party and the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD). Mr Modi and AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal were probably seen by their supporters as subaltern raiders of elite strongholds.

UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath has emerged as a tremendous vote catcher for the BJP in the Hindi heartland. His brush with controversies only adds to his popularity, the results show, and a new Modi-Yogi iteration of Hindutva politics has strengthened the BJP in UP with voter inflation, the menace of stray cattle, poor COVID-19 management and appeared to be suffering from unemployment. But it is not enough to vote for the BJP government. A protracted farmers’ agitation had minimal impact on the elections, as the BJP won several seats in its epicenter of western UP, with the non-Jat and non-Muslim vote seemingly consolidating largely in the face of the BJP’s aggressive campaign. Have become. SP-RLD alliance. Many backward caste leaders migrated from the BJP tent to the SP camp, but the common voters did not follow them to the extent that the BJP could be threatened. The SP more than doubled its numbers in 2017, but it remained low. It could not wash away its image of being a party that provides protection to criminals and favors Yadavs and Muslims. The election saw the downfall of the Bahujan Samaj Party, which helped the BJP more than the SP. The Congress only helped in creating the atmosphere for the SP alliance and barely opened its account.

The voters of Punjab have given a decisive mandate to the ‘alternative politics’ promised by the AAP, winning 92 of the 117 seats. The AAP, which has been in power in Delhi for seven years, has built a reputation for its welfare schemes, especially health and education – two sectors that voters care about a lot. That reputation bodes well for the AAP in Punjab, while the Congress and the SAD were burdened by their past sins. The launch of Bhagwant Mann as chief minister helped the AAP, while the Congress benefited little by advertising the Dalit identity of Charanjit Singh Channi, who was appointed chief minister just five months before the election. The decline of the SAD indicates the diminishing appeal of ‘panthik’ or Sikh religious politics. Samyukta Samaj Morcha (SSM) – an amalgamation of 22 farmer organizations from Punjab that spearheaded the movement that forced the Center to withdraw three controversial agricultural laws it had enacted – failed to make any political impact .

In Goa, the BJP retained power, although the Congress fought a spirited battle. The people of Goa can now breathe a sigh of relief while the state is not moving towards another round of government formation. The division of votes by players like Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party (MGP), Trinamool Congress and AAP also helped the BJP. The BJP’s strategy of selecting candidates on the basis of ‘maximum victory’ benefited the party immensely. Manipur did not escape the general trend in the Northeast, where people vote for the party or alliance in power at the Center as the state is dependent on Delhi for funds. The BJP emerged on top and the Congress cut a regrettable figure behind smaller parties like the Naga People’s Front. The election was devoid of emotional issues, and the BJP benefited from its developmental rhetoric. The demand for Scheduled Tribe status for the Meiteis, a community that dominates the Imphal and Jiribam valleys in 40 of the state’s 60 seats, failed to gain traction. Nor did the controversial demand for greater autonomy give tribal councils spread over 20 constituencies in the hills. In Uttarakhand, the BJP had to stay in power despite all the setbacks, while the Congress squandered its chances by getting bogged down in an internal power struggle. But the defeat of its Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami is a serious embarrassment for the BJP. A new face would mean a fourth person as chief minister in a little over a year.

BJP and AAP have gathered huge momentum before 2024. Your sustainability as a viable national alternative will be tested. So far, it has shown neither the organizational strength nor the political vision to become a national level player. Actually, there is no single party challenging the BJP. A loose alliance of regional and Left parties, with or without the Congress, cannot inspire confidence among voters. I