In his first years as China’s leader, Xi Jinping Paid for their own steamed dumplings at a cheap diner, casually rolled up the legs of their trousers to avoid splashing in the rain, and drenched in sweet pop tunes. His image makers cast him as “She Dada,” the resolute but friendly “Uncle She” of the people. ,
A decade later, Xi is ruling the country like a staunch communist emperor, mirroring China’s fallen ancient dynasties and determined to win their enduring dominance. Chinese officials praise his speeches like sacred texts, sometimes claiming loyalty with echoing fervor. Mao Zedong’s era, Making fun of Xi in private could lead to jail.
The opening of the Communist Party Congress on Sunday is shaping up to be an imperial moment for Xi, consolidating and expanding his rule, as well as intensifying long-term threats from his eccentric dominance. At the meeting in Beijing, he is certain to win a third term as general secretary of the party.
Development of Xi’s public face He has turned China into a proudly authoritarian state, despised Washington’s criticism, maintained that Western democracy had lost its charm, and had a big say in shaping the global order of the 21st century. impatient for
Despite the recent economic malaise, the Covid outbreak and growing hostility with the US, which has labeled China a threat to national security, the Party Congress will be Xi’s platform to demonstrate that he remains fearless. He is likely to tell 2,296 Congress representatives that his government has saved many lives through its “zero COVID” policy; shifted the economy to a path of cleaner and more efficient growth; raised China’s international status; and made great progress in military modernization.
“He wants to show he’s determined to do great things,” said Neil Thomas, an analyst at Chinese politics As for the Eurasia Group “he sees his historical role as breaking the historical cycle of dynastic rise and fall, so the Communist Party remains in power forever.”
The 69-year-old Xi presents himself as a mentor steeped in the history of China’s fortunes. He cites the toppling of China’s ancient empires, determined to ensure that it does not again fall victim to political decay, rebellion or foreign invasion.
Xi is looking forward to the next five years, trying to build a lasting edifice of power and policies. He is shunning his own cult and fostering young proteas, technocrats and companions of military commanders who can carry on his influence for decades.
Surrounded by respectable office bearers, Xi could be prone to swinging overstep. Unanswered questions about how long he will remain in power, and when he will name a successor, could haunt officials, investors and other governments. Most experts agree that he will not appoint a successor to this Congress, wary of diluting his authority.
In Xi’s worldview, the party is the custodian of traditional Chinese hierarchy and discipline, against the dysfunction of democracies. He argues that the party’s centralized power could mobilize China to accomplish feats beyond the comprehension of Western nations, such as alleviating rural poverty, leapfrogging into new technologies, or efficiently stopping the spread of COVID-19.
But by the time Xi called officials to listen to Congress’ plans, the public mood in China had changed. The government’s measures against persistent outbreaks have fueled growing despair. China’s economy Big tech firms have been mired in a painful recession brought on by the pandemic restrictions and moves to rein in them. And Xi’s fellow strongman, Russian President Vladimir Putin, is caught in a gruesome invasion of Ukraine.
Xi rarely takes America out by name, but his warnings are clear. Differences with the Trump and Biden administrations over technology sales, human rights and Taiwan have further hardened their distrust of Western intentions. President Joe Biden’s new national security strategy Beijing’s war is likely to intensify.
As Congress draws closer, Chinese officials have garlanded “core” leader Xi in a pledge of loyalty. “At all times and in all circumstances, trust the Corps, be loyal to the Corps, protect the Corps,” said one.
A decade later, Xi is ruling the country like a staunch communist emperor, mirroring China’s fallen ancient dynasties and determined to win their enduring dominance. Chinese officials praise his speeches like sacred texts, sometimes claiming loyalty with echoing fervor. Mao Zedong’s era, Making fun of Xi in private could lead to jail.
The opening of the Communist Party Congress on Sunday is shaping up to be an imperial moment for Xi, consolidating and expanding his rule, as well as intensifying long-term threats from his eccentric dominance. At the meeting in Beijing, he is certain to win a third term as general secretary of the party.
Development of Xi’s public face He has turned China into a proudly authoritarian state, despised Washington’s criticism, maintained that Western democracy had lost its charm, and had a big say in shaping the global order of the 21st century. impatient for
Despite the recent economic malaise, the Covid outbreak and growing hostility with the US, which has labeled China a threat to national security, the Party Congress will be Xi’s platform to demonstrate that he remains fearless. He is likely to tell 2,296 Congress representatives that his government has saved many lives through its “zero COVID” policy; shifted the economy to a path of cleaner and more efficient growth; raised China’s international status; and made great progress in military modernization.
“He wants to show he’s determined to do great things,” said Neil Thomas, an analyst at Chinese politics As for the Eurasia Group “he sees his historical role as breaking the historical cycle of dynastic rise and fall, so the Communist Party remains in power forever.”
The 69-year-old Xi presents himself as a mentor steeped in the history of China’s fortunes. He cites the toppling of China’s ancient empires, determined to ensure that it does not again fall victim to political decay, rebellion or foreign invasion.
Xi is looking forward to the next five years, trying to build a lasting edifice of power and policies. He is shunning his own cult and fostering young proteas, technocrats and companions of military commanders who can carry on his influence for decades.
Surrounded by respectable office bearers, Xi could be prone to swinging overstep. Unanswered questions about how long he will remain in power, and when he will name a successor, could haunt officials, investors and other governments. Most experts agree that he will not appoint a successor to this Congress, wary of diluting his authority.
In Xi’s worldview, the party is the custodian of traditional Chinese hierarchy and discipline, against the dysfunction of democracies. He argues that the party’s centralized power could mobilize China to accomplish feats beyond the comprehension of Western nations, such as alleviating rural poverty, leapfrogging into new technologies, or efficiently stopping the spread of COVID-19.
But by the time Xi called officials to listen to Congress’ plans, the public mood in China had changed. The government’s measures against persistent outbreaks have fueled growing despair. China’s economy Big tech firms have been mired in a painful recession brought on by the pandemic restrictions and moves to rein in them. And Xi’s fellow strongman, Russian President Vladimir Putin, is caught in a gruesome invasion of Ukraine.
Xi rarely takes America out by name, but his warnings are clear. Differences with the Trump and Biden administrations over technology sales, human rights and Taiwan have further hardened their distrust of Western intentions. President Joe Biden’s new national security strategy Beijing’s war is likely to intensify.
As Congress draws closer, Chinese officials have garlanded “core” leader Xi in a pledge of loyalty. “At all times and in all circumstances, trust the Corps, be loyal to the Corps, protect the Corps,” said one.