An autonomous foreign policy is best for India

A day ahead of his meeting with US President Joe Biden, Russian President Vladimir Putin made time for a whirlwind but crucial visit to meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi on Monday. Only Putin’s second foreign visit after Covid, it was a symbolic book for the 2+2 format talks between the Defense and Foreign Ministers of the two countries. Discussions took place on Afghanistan and common challenges such as terrorism, drugs and organized crime. While a deal for local manufacturing of updated Kalashnikov guns was in discussion, India’s big policy signal reaffirms a 2018 agreement to purchase five units of Russia’s S-400 surface-to-air missile system Was. The value of this advanced weapon had to be weighed against the glimmer of American caution, supported by two major implications, one of less concern than the other. The first was the application of US sanctions under a law that Biden could waive. And the second was the potential loss of access to some of America’s most prized weapons, such as the F-35 jets. That the Modi administration saw Moscow’s S-400 proposal as a decisive value, reaffirms our commitment to self-interest as well as to non-alignment, as a quest for geo-strategic autonomy appropriate for this era. has been redefined.

Even as an eastward transition of power plays up the grand theme of this century’s world affairs, with the US-China rivalry already centre-stage, the emerging matrix of influence is far from settled. Washington’s ties with Moscow cooled after Biden’s election and could worsen over Ukraine. While this may have pushed Putin closer to Beijing, whose design India should be wary of, the Soviet-era logic of our defense ties with Moscow persists. Our older equipment is mainly of Russian extraction and we still need parts, upgrades and other forms of service, while Russia needs the Indian market. Even though we have diversified our supply base, it remains our largest supplier. Modi lauded the prioritization of relations with us, while Putin hailed India as a “great power” and a “time-tested friend”, both knowing with certainty that the US and China would be watching closely . By now, however, it should be clear to all that autonomy is our motto. Even joining groups of cooperation such as the Quad is not a sign of alignment. We have pledged troop to no combatant command other than our own, a domestic resolve that should work well for the broader flexibility we have.

It is believed that China already has hypersonic S-400 missiles, which can be targeted at Indian targets within a radius of 400 km. We need this platform for various purposes. The software link needed for us to operate it, however, could put future US supplies of weapons well wired for us at risk of Russian data espionage, in America’s clear view. We have an agreement with the US for logistic support and some sort of operational compatibility, as we do with Japan and Australia. A logistics deal with Russia has been postponed for the time being. Still, it may be possible to strike a fine balance that doesn’t let the wires cross and compromise American or Russian interests. Maybe Data Quarantine can do it. All in all, the point is to ensure that the Indian seal of acceptance is never made on any agreement that undermines the sovereignty of our decisions, if international hostilities in any way end. As long as this is so, our foreign policy paper should support our sense of neutrality abroad. This credibility can help in making friends and influencing people.