The day Delhi CM Arvind KejrivalAAP’s AAP beats its opponents to win a massive victory in PunjabBreaking the stubborn historical barrier that kept regional parties confined to their home turf, it was the BJP-led Modi who dwarfed the region elsewhere, putting its pre-eminence stronger than ever.
Thursday’s results strongly reaffirm the BJP’s position as the front-runner and dilute the narrative that has gained ground after Bengal’s defeat about Modi’s diminishing potential in elections other than the Centre. They reaffirm the success of the effort to transform the party into a pro-poor platform with goodwill among the larger section of women, as well as the use of transparent and efficient delivery of welfare schemes to reduce and include caste identities. also confirm the use of Big fold of Hinduism.
UP seems to have now turned into the second Hindutva laboratory after Gujarat, although the state’s sheer size is an obvious point of difference. Home to 80 Lok Sabha seats, it played a key role in Modi’s back-to-back LS majority and the BJP’s success this time will naturally assure the party long hours for the 2024 national elections.
While the BJP may lose a few seats in 2019 compared to its overwhelming majority, it is worth remembering that this is the first time in 70 years that a chief minister has returned to the office. It overtook the SP-RLD alliance, which was supported by ‘farmer leaders’. Neither the dissatisfied local MP Varun Gandhi Nor could the widely reported anger over the death of farmers in Lakhimpur Kheri stop it from spreading widely in the region.
Even the BJP’s slightly diluted returns add up to a two-thirds majority. This was achieved despite the disappearance of the BSP, which turned the elections into a bipolar battle against the SP, virtually guaranteeing Akhilesh Yadav the support of Muslims and Yadavs, who make up 30% of the electorate. In the face of an attempt to revive the ‘Upper Caste Vs OBC’ story, the BJP managed to defy social divisions to increase its vote share.
Uttarakhand marked the first time since the creation of the state 22 years ago that the incumbent retained the position. The number of 48 seats out of 70 is only marginal when compared to the 57 seats the party got five years ago. It has exceeded the expectations of the BJP’s staunch optimists and is a tribute to the popularity of Modi, who is synonymous with ambitious development projects and successful vaccination campaigns in the state. It is also a testament to the successful rescue operation of Pushkar Singh Dhami, who ironically himself lost by a significant margin. Interestingly, five seats in Uttarakhand were decided by a margin of less than 1,000 votes.
In both Goa and Manipur, the BJP shrugged off the anti-incumbency wave and defied predictions to improve its numbers. The outright victory in Manipur is a confirmation of the BJP’s emergence, considering its growing footprint as the main political force of the Northeast.
In Goa, which the party won for the third time, it was stopped midway but its vote share improved. cm Pramod Sawant, in his new term, will be only marginally vulnerable to ally pressure. That the party completely defeated the Congress’s resolute challenger in Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur should make the victory even sweeter.
Arguably the biggest blow to the Congress was given by AAP in Punjab. Congress-ruled territory has shrunk even further, in a way reminiscent of the failed empires that rivals nibbled on in their sphere of influence. Its demolition in Punjab puts a big question mark on the party’s claim of being the natural leader of the non-BJP alliance and leaves the Rahul-Priyanka duo vulnerable to challenge from within.
Kejriwal’s success creates complications for other non-NDA satraps as well, especially with Mamata extending her hand in Goa. The opposition sector, already brimming with ambitions, looks even more congested with the Delhi chief minister quickly declaring his intention to be the BJP’s prime rival. This is despite Mayawati’s exile from the BSP’s major political league as a block level player. From being a winner in 2007 to winning 10 Lok Sabha seats even in the tough 2019 election and a committed follower among Jatav Dalits, she has presided over the liquidation of a platform. Maintaining the remnants of his base will be a challenge as PM Modi has made clear his intention to double down on his effort to win over the poor with welfare schemes.
Akhilesh Yadav’s SP failed to capitalize on the BJP’s power, despite the fact that the coronavirus pandemic killed thousands, a spike in unemployment and put a dent in Yogi’s development work. One reason was that Akhilesh left it for too long, almost AWOL for the first four years Yogi tenure of At the same time, he struggled to eradicate pro-Yadav bias, appeasement of Muslims and widespread perceptions of anarchy – a failure that thwarted his attempt to expand the base beyond the committed MY bloc. While outsourcing the task of bringing defectors from BJP to non-Yadav ‘backward’ did not work, Modi and Yogi demonstrated free ration distribution, construction of over two crore houses, toilets, better power supply for almost two years. Upgradation of infrastructure, better and stricter law enforcement as well as a successful vaccination campaign.
The focus on law and order also served the purpose of Hindu consolidation because some of the high-profile ‘bahubalis’ who have suffered the brunt of scorched-earth policing are Muslims who seem to enjoy immunity under the SP. There are. Despite Akhilesh’s alliance with Jayant Choudhary’s RLD, the BJP did not lose the Jats to the SP, as the “bulldozer” plank along with welfare schemes also brought more women inside the saffron tent. This election has seen them emerge as an independent voting category, which does not necessarily take its cues from the male members of the family.
For many, attributing UP’s victory only to the BJP’s ‘majority’ politics, it would be tempting to argue that it was a matter of identity and trust truncating ‘real’ concerns like unemployment or kitchen table concerns like inflation. Others would attribute it only to the successful implementation of welfare politics. In fact, the demonstration was made possible by a Hindutva-plus model, an indigenous version of compassionate conservatism. ‘Identity’ ideas were reflected in the making of Ram Mandir and the chart-busting popularity of the Kashi Vishwanath project as well as Kanhaiya Lal Mittal’s “Jo Ram ko lenge, hum uk lenge, UP mein hum ek baar phir bhagwa leharenge”, but equally important are interventions determined to improve living standards. Were. Millions more provide assistance in times of unprecedented crisis with an ambitious DBT outreach. As PM Modi said, it will be extended to new geographical areas. If implemented successfully, it could further expand BJP’s growing base.