TeaHis week’s Supreme Court ruling on the Economically Weaker Sections or EWS quota not only reaffirmed the principle of reservation but also suggested that it is no longer necessary to cap it at 50 per cent. You can reserve most of the jobs and seats in educational institutions, whatever you want. You can also go beyond caste and reserve jobs and seats on the basis of economic status.
Oh my God, I thought to myself, we have come a long way from the Mandala era! You have to be middle-aged to remember the 1990s movement. On the assumption that most of you are younger than him, here’s what happened.
In 1990, Prime Minister VP Singh announced that his government would implement proposals contained in a widely forgotten report of the Mandal Commission. This was not a big part of Singh’s original campaign promises, so he took the nation by surprise.
Essentially, the proposals extended the reservation in government jobs beyond the categories of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Looking back, it seems clear that the proposals were not far-reaching and had little impact in most areas of Indian life. Some state governments had already implemented similar reservations.
But Singh sold the move as an era-defining moment that would transform the nation. Protests broke out in colleges across India – young people believed that reservation was against the principle of merit, and soon, students began to assimilate themselves as well. But Singh refused to bow down.
In 1991, when the next Lok Sabha elections were held, Singh and his party, the Janata Dal, were wiped out, but other parties that benefited from Mandal did well. The former PM claimed that though he had lost, his agenda had won.
the beginning of a new politics
The conventional wisdom is that the 1991 election marked the beginning of a new trend in the politics of the Hindi heartland, now dominated by caste-based parties. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was surprised by Singh’s initiative, and in an effort to counter the influence of caste, LK Advani launched a Ram-themed Rath Yatra, pitting religion against caste in the fight.
All this was important because from 1971 onwards the role of caste in the general elections was getting less and less. In 1971, Indira Gandhi won a resounding victory that cut across castes and religions. In 1977, when she lost, voting was not caste-based. Similarly in 1980 when she came back with a broad mandate. And in 1984, Rajiv Gandhi’s massive victory was based on the support of all Indians.
In 1989, when the Congress weakened and the BJP began to exert influence and when politicians like Lalu Prasad Yadav and Mulayam Singh Yadav emerged, this began to change. But it was not until 1991 that we realized that Indian politics was beginning to be about identity.
That trend persists. The fight in Uttar Pradesh is between BJP and caste based parties. Same is the case in Bihar. And Indian politics is now only about ideology or performance: it is really about identity. Even when an urban, non-identity-based party like the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) enters Gujarat, its leader has to play the Hindu card.
Read also: EWS verdict shows merit matters only if it is ‘their’ children, not ‘our’ children
1990 to 2022
The Supreme Court’s verdict on Monday and its responses reminded me how much public mood has changed in three decades.
In that era, many objected to the extension of reservation, arguing that Dalit reservation as mandated by the Constitution was originally time-bound. If politicians continue to give reservation to other castes, it is against the principle of equality and merit. (The counter-argument was that this was the view of the ‘upper’ castes and was therefore biased).
I am accompanied by the outgoing Chief Justice of India UU Lalit and Justice S. A faint echo of that sentiment was found in the dissenting approach by Ravindra Bhat. He said the quota expansion was “contrary to the essence of equal opportunity” and was “at the heart of the Equality Code”.
The Supreme Court was not discussing caste-based reservation. The matter pertained to the extension of reservation for EWS. There were two important issues to consider. Can the quantum of reservation exceed 50% of the available opportunities? Yes, the majority decision suggested. And was it okay if this expansion didn’t include those covered by other quotas? The majority again said yes.
I will not raise the issue of judgment, which also shows political consensus. But it raises the important question: are we saying that after 75 years of independence, we have completely failed to create a society with equality of opportunity that every year we have to pass laws saying that merit is the only thing? cannot be the only criterion of advancement; That we still have to come up with a special quota? And that the idea of our constitution makers that reservation should be time bound, has now been dashed?
It seems that we are.
Read also: EWS quota will finally end caste reservation in India
Freebie Politics Right Large
What the Supreme Court was not asked to consider is a more important question: is the regular extension of reservation based on the need to level the playing field? Or have quotas become yet another way for politicians to appeal to votebanks to garner their support?
In every election, you will find that politicians promise further reservation if elected. Every party does it on some level or the other. the way politicians distribute free material (or revdi ’ as Prime Minister Narendra Modi has called them), they now offer reservations in the hope of winning votes.
The important thing is that BJP, so worried about Mandal’s announcement, is now playing the caste game. It often draws attention to PM Modi’s ‘backward’ caste and wins elections by forming caste alliances. Add welfareism to that strategy (reservation for EWS comes in), and you have a formidable election-winning combination: religion, caste and welfare.
It is not my case that any of this is a bad thing, only that Indian politics in the 21st century is played by very different rules. Elections are not won or lost even on performance or ideology.
And the search for an India where caste is of no importance has been abandoned. With reservations, citizens need to know which caste they belong to – and this will last for generations to come.
Though we did not realize it at that time, but 1990-1991 was the turning point of our politics. It was during this period that identity politics came to dominate. Caste and reservation became major issues after Mandal. And it was then that the Rath Yatra laid the foundation for a new Hindutva-dominated India.
What can we say as far as self-immolators are concerned? It was not only humans – ideals and an entire genre of politics also went up in flames during that period.
Veer Sanghvi is a print and television journalist and talk show host. He tweeted on @virsanghvi. Thoughts are personal.
(Edited by Likes)