In Southeast Asia, politics is increasingly a family affair

In the Philippines, the leading candidates for president and vice president in next year’s elections are both descendants of powerful political dynasties linked to human rights abuses. In neighboring Indonesia, the president, who led the country’s politics by winning elections despite a humble family background, recently saw both his son and son-in-law take office after joining his political party. In Cambodia, the country’s authoritarian leader announced in speeches earlier this month that he expected his son to be his successor, and that only murder or untimely death could change this “political direction”.

The prevalence of dynasties reflects the great power that individual families have in a rapidly growing region of the world, which is nonetheless marked by high levels of income inequality and state repression. “If you look at key indicators of governance and institutional checks and balances, Southeast Asian countries tend to score very low,” said Richard Hedarian, an associate professor at Polytechnic University in the Philippines. It is very easy for political dynasties to thrive in that environment.”

Academics and watchdog groups say inept candidates could make dynastic rule worse by preventing the emergence of capable grassroots leaders, using the support of powerful relatives to seize power. There are also dynasties in other countries, including wealthy Western democracies, such as the US, with its Kennedy and Bush clans, and Canada, with its Trudeau, but those born outside political families in these countries have a tendency to make a dent. More likely. ,

In the Philippines, in contrast, politics is often a family affair. Polls show that Ferdinand Marcos Jr., the son of a former dictator, is a strong contender for victory in next year’s presidential election. His running mate—Sarah Duterte-Carpio, daughter of incumbent President Rodrigo Duterte—is far ahead in the vice presidential election, who is elected separately.

Professor Ronald Mendoza, dean and dean of the Ateneo de Manila University School of Government, along with colleagues, found that in 1988, 41% of the governors of the Philippines had at least one relative in office, a figure doubling to 80% by 2019 Gone. The trend is similar, if less extreme, for mayors, with 40% of families in office in 2004, which according to their research increased to 53% in 2019.

Dynasties are so prevalent that Mr. Mendoza’s team even coined the term to differentiate between dynasties where several family members simultaneously hold positions of government—the so-called Mote dynasties—and dynasties where the younger generation is successively passed out. Power is transferred—the so-called thin dynasty. Mr Mendoza said the country’s “obese ancestry” is particularly damaging because relatives in power can bend state institutions to serve family interests, including punishing political rivals at the same time.

The Constitution of the Philippines was designed as a check on family rule. It was ratified in 1987, a year after a popular movement succeeded in ousting Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos, the father of today’s leading presidential candidate. The constitution formally prohibits political dynasties but requires lawmakers to take action to enforce the ban. Bills have been introduced over the years to restrict family control of major offices, but none have made it into law, which scholars say is that a large proportion of the members of the legislature are themselves dynastic descendants.

In recent years, Dutertes has expanded his influence far beyond his southern Philippines base, and now play an important role in the country’s politics. Ms Duterte-Carpio, a vice-presidential candidate, currently serves as mayor of the city of Davao in the southern Philippines, which was run by her charismatic father Rodrigo Duterte for more than two decades before becoming president. When Ms Duterte-Carpio withdrew from running for re-election as mayor in November, she announced that her brother, Sebastian Duterte, the current Davao City vice mayor, would campaign for her successor. Another brother, Paolo Duterte, is a member of the Philippines House of Representatives.

Neighboring Indonesia has also struggled with its powerful families such as the Sukarno and Suharto clans, but in recent years they seem to be making progress. In 2014, Joko Widodo, a plain-spoken former furniture dealer and mayor, cast dynastic hopes. When he won the presidency with the promise of efficient governance. Shortly after Mr Widodo’s election, the Indonesian government changed election rules to prevent close family members from succeeding relatives in positions such as governor or mayor.

But Indonesia’s constitutional court struck down the provision in 2015, saying it violated the rights of family members to run for office. In the following years, according to Indonesian PhD Yos Kenawas, the number of dynastic candidates in Indonesia increased. Candidate at Northwestern University who studies the political dynasties of his country. By their count, in 2013 there were 39 dynastic politicians who held sub-administrative positions such as regent, mayor and governor. He said that this number increased to 117 by 2018. “We are moving towards the trajectory of the Philippines,” Mr Canawas said.

Still, Mr. Widodo was quite different from the prestigious and sometimes arrogant families that had previously been presidents. In an Instagram post in 2018, Mr Widodo said he felt blessed to have children who feel free, and described his modest career: one selling coffee, the other sweet pancakes, the third, banana fritters. “I don’t need to think any more about where they will find work or what their profession will be,” he wrote in the post.

The answer—at least for some relatives—turned out in politics. Last year, his eldest son, 34-year-old Gibran Rakabuming Raka, a pancake seller, ran and won elections as mayor of Solo, a medium-sized city in Central Java that was also ruled by his father. A son-in-law, Bobby Nasushan, won the election as mayor of Medan, a large city on the island of Sumatra. Mr Widodo told local media at the time that it was up to voters who they wanted to lead, and that he never encouraged his children to get into politics. Nevertheless, some Indonesian civil-society groups expressed concern, noting that Mr Widodo’s son faced little political opposition, competing against a largely unknown tailor who received less than 15% of the vote.

Mr Kenawas said “building a dynasty is actually a logical option” for politicians trying to extend their time in power but facing term limits. Under Indonesian law Mr Widodo cannot run for re-election in 2024, when he would have served two five-year terms.

In Cambodia, the situation is different from the more democratic Indonesia and the Philippines. Cambodia’s main political opposition party has been banned. Freedom House, a nonprofit based in Washington, D.C., said the 2018 national election was “taken in a deeply oppressive environment that left voters with no meaningful choice.” In that election, the country’s ruling party won every seat in the lower house.

Given Cambodia’s political direction, it was no surprise to scholars when Hun Sen, its strong ruler, said in a December speech that he expected his son, Hun Manet, a West Point graduate, Will win and succeed the election to the national legislature. Around the year 2028.

“Fathers always want their children to hold high positions,” said Mr. Hun Sen. “If they don’t want their children to hold high positions, they are lying to themselves.”

A spokesman for Cambodia’s government, Fay Siphan, said Hun Manet was well qualified in his own right, and that Cambodians would elect their leaders by election.

This story has been published without modification in text from a wire agency feed