India’s Sabarmati Ashram scheme must uphold Gandhian values

The overwhelming feeling you get when you go inside the Sabarmati Ashram in Ahmedabad is that of peace. How could it be otherwise? This was the house of Mohandas Gandhi. Peace is soothing, as if you are looking at a beautiful landscape, or walking along a calm seashore. Gandhi is not there, but his presence prevails in the simplicity and austerity of the premises.

Gandhi led the Dandi March from the ashram in 1930 and vowed not to return until India became independent. But in January 1948, he was assassinated by Nathuram Godse. Most of India regards Godse as a villain, but there are some politicians and sympathizers of India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) who consider Godse a hero and a patriot. And ever since the BJP came to power, Godse and the ideology he represented has acquired a following that cannot be disregarded.

This is the main reason to be wary of the Government of India’s plans of estimated spending. 12 billion to upgrade the ashram. The BJP’s demeanor shows that it has little time for Gandhi and never really considered him a hero, or considered his ideas particularly relevant. While it may not completely deny Gandhi – it invites him when it suits its purpose, whether at international gatherings or for photo opportunities such as traveling on a train in South Africa Publishing calendars promoting Khadi, where Gandhi was pulled out of a train compartment, showing Narendra Modi spinning the spinning wheel instead of Gandhi, or The New York Times on Gandhi’s 150th birth anniversary There is an essay praising Gandhi – it appears that Gandhi was portrayed primarily as a sanitation and hygiene advocate, as if his most important call was for cleanliness.

True, the Sabarmati Ashram could improve some infrastructure and build more public facilities for visitors, but the amount being talked about is far from those plans, suggesting a larger agenda. is very disproportionate. Obviously the plan is to make the new generation aware of Gandhi’s message, but what kind of message will this government give? Where Gandhi says that truth and non-violence will always win and oppressors will always fall, or where he talks of a household promoting vegetarianism? Where Gandhi challenges a British judge to give him the highest punishment and show no mercy, or where he sings hymns to Ram? Where does Gandhi choose to go to jail for claiming his freedom, or where he calls for a boycott of foreign goods?

Ashram facilities can be improved, but does it cost billions of rupees? Will it turn the ashram into a spectacle—a Central Vista-type redesign, a Jallianwala Bagh-type transformation? Will there be attractive murals depicting the Salt March as if it were a procession of festive pilgrims?

Planners are hesitant about what they want to do, and the concerns expressed by prominent Gandhians at the lack of transparency are justified. India today may seem to disregard Gandhi in most respects. Gandhi believed that India lives in its villages, but India is a rapidly urbanizing country. Gandhi believed in working with less; Indians want more. Gandhi may be on almost every currency note, and streets and institutions may be named after him, but the current government’s approach is far more distant from Gandhian values ​​than any Indian government since independence.

Gandhi was not perfect, nor divine; He should not be made to sit on a pedestal, and his views should be re-examined and challenged. Criticizing him is not blasphemy. No one is the ‘master’ of Gandhi, but neither is the government. And those who understand Gandhi, like Gandhi, change their mind when faced with new facts. I remember when Richard Attenborough was making the film Gandhi in India, many historians were amazed at the independence of its script—one magazine published over 100 examples of what it described as factual inaccuracies, The most striking example is that in the film, the killings in Kolkata take place after independence, when in reality they took place before 15 August 1947. I was in college at the time, and as students, my friend Late Meera Sanyal and I interviewed Usha Mehta, the Gandhian leader for our college. magazine because she was critical of the film. He told us, “We are not ready to give Gandhi to anyone.” But once the film was made, and he saw its impact on millions of people, he changed his perspective.

Gandhi no longer lives in that ashram. Many of his ideals can still inspire and rejuvenate India, but Indians have to make that choice. His work lives on in the tireless dedication of those working with tribals and for rural upliftment, fearless campaigners who speak truth to power, and lawyers who represent peaceful activists jailed and denied bail. Huh. The ashram symbolizes that soul under attack. Changing it in the name of progress in a “New India” may be a nihilistic act with the intention of rewriting the past.

This year marks the 125th anniversary of the Gujarati poet Jhaverchand Meghani, whom Gandhi called the “national poet” or national poet of the country. It is worth recalling what Meghani wrote when Gandhi left for the Round Table Conference: “Chelo Katoro Jarno Aa Pi Jajo, Bapu“(Drink this last glass of poison, Bapu).

Salil Tripathi is a writer based in New York. Read Salil’s previous mint columns at www.livemint.com/saliltripathi

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