Socio-economic caste based census becomes a necessary pre-condition for initiating any meaningful reform
Hoardings and posters praising the Narendra Modi government for introducing reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET) examinations and a renewed debate on the caste census have once again called for affirmative action. brought the debate into the limelight. The affirmative action program that was envisaged at the time of the establishment of the republic is indeed one of the remarkable provisions framed by the framers of our constitution. It has been historically important in propounding the principle of justice in a deeply unequal and oppressive social system like ours.
still no equity
While it cannot be denied that these provisions have been one of the success stories of Indian democracy, they have also accumulated a fair share of problems and require urgent policy attention and debate.
Through the reservation of seats in the state’s political and public institutions, it was thought that hitherto marginalized groups – who have faced oppression and humiliation for generations – would eventually find a place in power-sharing and decision-making processes. will be able to obtain. However, this strategy of addressing disabilities has not translated into equal life opportunities for many groups in our heterogeneous society.
Problems with the current policy
There is now a strong demand from those who have not been able to earn the benefits of reservation from within the marginalized sections to formulate some policy alternatives which may be able to complement the existing system of reservation.
The fact that the current system suffers from the “revision problem” is not just wishful thinking, but a hard fact.
On sub-categorization of OBCs, Justice G. The figures released by the Rohini Commission report give a good concise approach to understand this. Based on the last five years’ data on appointments in central government jobs and OBC admissions in central higher education institutions, the commission concluded that 97% of the central OBC quota benefits go to 25% of its castes. 983 OBC communities – 37% of the total – have zero representation in both central government jobs and admission to central universities. Also, the report states that Only 10% of OBC communities have earned 24.95% jobs and admissions.
Clearly, the assumption that the disadvantages of each sub-group within each category are the same is seriously wrong.
It is worth noting that the Rohini Commission figures are based only on the institutions that come under the purview of the Central Government. We have hardly any legible data on the socio-economic conditions of different social groups at the state and more local levels of society.
As a result, the skewed distribution of reservations has severely hampered political projects of unified subaltern solidarity. Parties that were once capable of forging a big Bahujan solidarity are now finding it difficult to garner such support. This should give us an indication of the extent of the problem rather than dismiss it as a conspiracy to break low caste unity.
lack of data
As outlined above, there is a dire need for accurate data relating to the socio-economic status of different social groups. Though caste-based reservations have been instrumental in elevating social mobility and leading For the rise of the politically mature and visible Dalit-Bahujan castes, we do not have enough data about the actual reach and reach of this policy measure.
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We do not know what liberalization has done to those castes who were bound by more traditional sources of income and unable to realize the new opportunities provided by the opening up of the economy. We do not know how these groups have navigated and transitioned to a more pronounced regime of capital, with almost no social safety net on the ground. The marginal majority still lives in the waiting room of history, waiting to see the light of the state policy grid.
affirmative action
There is an urgent need for a mechanism that can bridge this gap and make the system more accountable and responsive to intra-group demands. Since every further classification will only lead to revision and fragmentation in the long run, two things are needed.
One, we urgently need to develop a variety of context-sensitive, evidence-based policy options that can be tailored to meet the specific needs of specific groups. 2 . and, to conduct an audit on non-discrimination and equal opportunity performance of employers and educational institutions and to issue codes of good practice in various sectors. This will make policy formulation and monitoring easier at the institutional level.
As is evident, the socio-economic caste-based census becomes a necessary pre-condition for initiating any meaningful reforms in the affirmative action regime in India.
Significantly, similar suggestions were made a decade ago by the Expert Committee of the Equal Opportunity Commission (2008) in its comprehensive report submitted to the Ministry of Minority Affairs. However, little policy progress has been made in this regard. Subsequent governments have been reluctant to engage with such radical policy choices, almost always for immediate and short-sighted political gain.
Supri Ranjan is a PhD candidate, Center for Political Studies, School of Social Sciences II, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
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