Jalandhar: The huge gathering at Fatehgarh Sahib on Thursday at actor-turned-activist Deep Sidhu’s last ardas (last prayer) was the sixth major mass mobilization with Sikhs in Punjab in the last 10 years.
The first, which took place at about the same time as the 2012 elections, and the latest bear striking parallels between mass mobilization and expression. cult feeling.
Although these mobilizations, which were all peaceful, achieved their immediate goals partially or fully, they failed to translate into any political formation or alternative.
SAD Vice Chancellor Parkash Singh Badal He returned to power for the fifth time and was sworn in on March 14, 2012, and most political commentators dismissed the cult factor and importance of politics as Badal had contested on the issue of development and won for consecutive terms. However, within a few days, the state government was witnessing a massive mobilization of Sikhs against the imminent execution of Balwant Singh Rajoana.
Sikhs in large numbers took to the streets and there were demonstrations in cities, towns and even villages. The sheer number of people who took to the streets took everyone by surprise, including the political and police establishment. Badal commented on 23 March 2012 at Khatkar Kalan in Nawanshahr district: “How can we save him?”
But then within a week, he had to run to the President of India to plead for clemency to save him. In November–December 2013, Sikh activist Gurbaksh Singh Khalsa went on a hunger strike demanding the release of Sikh prisoners and this led to a base of support including processions and meetings. The state government was initially reluctant on the issue and Badal Sr. had initially argued that the Punjab government could not do anything. But, after supporting the cause, his government took a U-turn and recommended the release of the three convicts on parole and appealed to the CMs of UP, Karnataka and Gujarat for the release of the three convicts.
Two years later, Bargari’s sacrilege and Behbal Kalan police firing were followed by massive protests by Sikhs across the state, in which two Sikhs were killed. After a crowd of thousands gathered for the last ardas at Bargari on October 25, 2015, in memory of the two Sikhs killed in police firing, Sarbat Khalsa Polling was held in Chhabba village of Amritsar district on November 10 and the turnout was expected to touch the six-digit mark. Even the organizers of Sarbat Khalsa could not throw up any viable pantheo-political alternative.
Another major Sikh mass movement was the Bargari Morcha from June 1 to December 9, 2018, during which two huge gatherings were also held in October. It was only after this front started by the parallel Akal Takht acting Jathedar Dhyan Singh Mandi That the sacrilege case was exposed, and the investigation led to the heat of the followers of the Sirsa Dera and the police officers responsible for the firing in Behbal Kalan. Even though this morcha managed to achieve results without causing any harm to the members of the community, it also could not throw up any cult-political alternatives expected by the people.
The agricultural movement in 2020-21 was the fifth major mass movement in Punjab. Although it was not for a Sikh cause, it was rooted in Sikh farmers and supported by the larger Sikh community. Although this movement achieved its result of repeal of agricultural laws, it also could not provide a political alternative, even after the formation of about 20 groups. United Samaj Morcha,
As in the past, the overwhelming turnout in the last prayer for Deep Sidhu, the latest entrant in Sikh-political activism, was also a manifestation of the cult-political sentiment.
While the three mass movements – Sarbat Khalsa in 2015, Bargari Morcha in 2018 and the recent agricultural movement – could not throw up a Punjab-centric political alternative despite all the possibilities, the Aam Aadmi Party has been the biggest beneficiary of the political liquidity caused by this unrest. Sikhs, of which farmers have always been the major constituents in three elections – the 2014 parliamentary, the 2017 Punjab assembly and now the assembly elections.
The first, which took place at about the same time as the 2012 elections, and the latest bear striking parallels between mass mobilization and expression. cult feeling.
Although these mobilizations, which were all peaceful, achieved their immediate goals partially or fully, they failed to translate into any political formation or alternative.
SAD Vice Chancellor Parkash Singh Badal He returned to power for the fifth time and was sworn in on March 14, 2012, and most political commentators dismissed the cult factor and importance of politics as Badal had contested on the issue of development and won for consecutive terms. However, within a few days, the state government was witnessing a massive mobilization of Sikhs against the imminent execution of Balwant Singh Rajoana.
Sikhs in large numbers took to the streets and there were demonstrations in cities, towns and even villages. The sheer number of people who took to the streets took everyone by surprise, including the political and police establishment. Badal commented on 23 March 2012 at Khatkar Kalan in Nawanshahr district: “How can we save him?”
But then within a week, he had to run to the President of India to plead for clemency to save him. In November–December 2013, Sikh activist Gurbaksh Singh Khalsa went on a hunger strike demanding the release of Sikh prisoners and this led to a base of support including processions and meetings. The state government was initially reluctant on the issue and Badal Sr. had initially argued that the Punjab government could not do anything. But, after supporting the cause, his government took a U-turn and recommended the release of the three convicts on parole and appealed to the CMs of UP, Karnataka and Gujarat for the release of the three convicts.
Two years later, Bargari’s sacrilege and Behbal Kalan police firing were followed by massive protests by Sikhs across the state, in which two Sikhs were killed. After a crowd of thousands gathered for the last ardas at Bargari on October 25, 2015, in memory of the two Sikhs killed in police firing, Sarbat Khalsa Polling was held in Chhabba village of Amritsar district on November 10 and the turnout was expected to touch the six-digit mark. Even the organizers of Sarbat Khalsa could not throw up any viable pantheo-political alternative.
Another major Sikh mass movement was the Bargari Morcha from June 1 to December 9, 2018, during which two huge gatherings were also held in October. It was only after this front started by the parallel Akal Takht acting Jathedar Dhyan Singh Mandi That the sacrilege case was exposed, and the investigation led to the heat of the followers of the Sirsa Dera and the police officers responsible for the firing in Behbal Kalan. Even though this morcha managed to achieve results without causing any harm to the members of the community, it also could not throw up any cult-political alternatives expected by the people.
The agricultural movement in 2020-21 was the fifth major mass movement in Punjab. Although it was not for a Sikh cause, it was rooted in Sikh farmers and supported by the larger Sikh community. Although this movement achieved its result of repeal of agricultural laws, it also could not provide a political alternative, even after the formation of about 20 groups. United Samaj Morcha,
As in the past, the overwhelming turnout in the last prayer for Deep Sidhu, the latest entrant in Sikh-political activism, was also a manifestation of the cult-political sentiment.
While the three mass movements – Sarbat Khalsa in 2015, Bargari Morcha in 2018 and the recent agricultural movement – could not throw up a Punjab-centric political alternative despite all the possibilities, the Aam Aadmi Party has been the biggest beneficiary of the political liquidity caused by this unrest. Sikhs, of which farmers have always been the major constituents in three elections – the 2014 parliamentary, the 2017 Punjab assembly and now the assembly elections.
,