Making Sense of a Political Outreach for Pasmanda Muslims

There has been considerable churn within the Indian Muslim community in response to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s appeal To reach out to disadvantaged minority groups like Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) pasmanda muslimEspecially in Uttar Pradesh. BJP President JP Nadda has directed party workers to organize programs for Pasmanda Muslims. love (affection) and Respect (respect).

Skeptics see this as an election strategy to break the social unity of Muslims and increase the vote base of the BJP. However, given that the BJP has won the last two general elections and several state elections without the electoral support of Muslims, this narrative is off the mark. Whatever the motivation, it signals a turning point in the BJP’s approach. face to face India’s largest minority – as the first serious attempt by the BJP to find Muslims in its arc.

rebuilding an identity

This development has highlighted issues related to the identity of Pasmanda Muslims and social justice and stratification within the Muslim community. It is true that the caste system, as it traditionally exists among Hindus, is not accepted under Islam. Nevertheless, it has been assimilated into the cultural life of Muslims due to its centuries-old coexistence with Hindus. The uniqueness of Indian Muslims lies in their ‘living reality’, who have greater socio-cultural ties with Hindus than Muslims abroad.

Indian Muslim community can be divided into three lines – Ashraf (elite class), Ajlaf (backward class) and Arzal (most backward class). According to estimates, Ashraf Muslims constitute 15%-20% of the population. Pasmanda, which literally means ‘abandoned’ or ‘marginalised’, is a collective expression for Ajlaf and Arzal – who constitute the remaining 80%-85%. The norm of hereditary occupational specialization, as a feature of the Indian caste system, is reflected in the occupational profiles of the Pasmanda Muslims – barbers, weavers, potters. Saint, bidi workers, etc. They are mainly low-wage workers employed in the unorganized sector marked by pathetic working conditions. So, ‘Pasmanda’ is not a caste but a class which is representative of the backward and subservient castes within the Muslim community.

Prime Minister’s Outreach Serves Multiple Purposes

Political parties have not been conscious of this internal stratification within Muslims – emphasizing only religion as the basis for their inclusion. This has worked for the benefit of the Muslim nobles or Ashrafs, who, despite being numerically inferior to the Pasmandas, occupied most of the ‘Muslim representation’ in various political parties. Ashraf-driven Muslim politics has put more emphasis on emotive issues like Muslim Personal Law, Babri Masjid etc., making the issue of bread and butter resonate more with Pasmanda.

Read also | Pasmanda Muslims demand SC status for Dalit Muslims

So, what is the reach of the PM’s Pasmanda? It is quite natural for a political party to have electoral considerations to reduce its reach to social groups. However, the prime minister’s and the BJP’s desire to accommodate the Pasmanda Muslims should be seen as a fulfillment of several objectives.

First, it highlights the discrepancies in the political underrepresentation of disadvantaged groups in the Muslim community. from intra, Second, it brings to the fore issues related to their development face to face Pure feelings issues. This is in line with the Prime Minister’s address to the Muslim community at the centenary celebrations of the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) in December 2020, where he laid down and played down the imperatives of empowerment – women’s education, economic independence, entrepreneurship and employment. The compulsion of ideological differences. “The country is moving ahead on a path where no one can be left behind because of religion,” he said. Third, it is in line with the Prime Minister’s ‘Sankalp’. Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwass, everyone’s effort, Finally, it suggests an acceptance within the BJP that housing religious diversity should be an important consideration for a national party in a political democracy like India.

as beneficiaries

Moreover, the BJP government has been highlighting that its various welfare schemes are benefitting all sections without any discrimination. Financing under the Pradhan Mantri Jan-Dhan Yojana or distribution of cooking gas under the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana, the faces or identities of the beneficiaries are irrelevant. Pasmanda, an economically marginalized section, forms a distinct category of beneficiaries under these schemes. In fact, unofficial figures of the Ujjwala scheme in Uttar Pradesh show that economically backward Muslims have benefited in proportion to their population.

This outreach is the first time that a major political party has extended an olive branch to Pasmanda Muslims. In shaping their response, Muslims can draw lessons from the life of AMU founder Sir Syed Ahmed Khan. In the face of strong opposition from conservative sections within the Muslim community against the promotion of enlightened education among the Muslim masses, he did not allow his practicality to be deterred by the constraints of sentimentality.

Tariq Mansoor is the Vice Chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University. Views expressed are personal