No traditional resistance—the PLA has its own agenda in Ladakh. stop, force, accept India

wooChicken Russian President Vladimir Putin cited ‘job’ group The possibility of another nuclear attack by the United States using Little Boy and Fat Man—the nuclear missiles dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in Japan in 1945—seemed not so remote.

In the International Relations (IR) literature, Putin refers to what is known as a nuclear signal, also known as a distress signal – the use of a nuclear weapon by a leader to explain his intention to an adversary. danger of This can be done through public statements, military exercises involving nuclear weapons, actual nuclear weapons testing, or the movement of nuclear weapons, which the adversary can notice.

The distinction between the classical IR understanding of resistance and affordability and the Chinese meaning of resistance is important for understanding Beijing’s military strategy in Ladakh.

A Chinese angle to resistance

Chinese word for detention, wei che (e) is different from the English word. The former combines resistance and compelling strategies without distinguishing between the two.

Resistance broadly refers to preventing an opponent from carrying out a threat, and compulsion refers to forcing an opponent to change their behavior in conflict or to shape their foreign policy interests. But the Chinese understanding of resistance combines these two strategies using a more proactively hypnotic approach through performance tests and media psychological warfare.

“Nuclear deterrence is defined as the display of nuclear forces, or the threat of their employment, to shake and astonish an adversary or to limit and impede their military activities,” writing Researcher Dean Cheng on Chinese military and security issues Annual Review of the NL ARMS Netherlands Military Studies 2020

Cheng further explains how the Chinese concept of resistance differs from the classical IR definition.

“It is remarkable that Chinese writings explicitly note the importance of not only ability and will, but the communication of these two elements to those whom one wishes to restrain,” he says in his chapter. Overview of Chinese thinking about resistance in the book,

China’s recent investment in improving its nuclear weapons technology, including hypersonic weapons, should be read in the context of this strategy. Chinese word wei che It is important to conceptualize the intended goal of missile testing or nuclear capability demonstration. Therefore, China’s missile forces conduct demonstration tests to deter potential attackers and, at the same time, force them to change their behaviour.

in the 2005 edition science of military strategy, People’s Liberation Army (PLA) generals Peng Guangqian and Yao Yuezhi described the understanding of resistance in China. Following Way: “The deterrent plays two basic roles, one is to prevent the opponent from doing something through resistance, the other is to persuade the opponent what should be done through resistance, and both are to prevent the opponent from doing something.” demand to be subject to will.”

China has increased channels to block signals with the rise of new media platforms including WeChat and Weibo. In the context of the traditional distress signal scenario, China Past Official state media used, including People’s Daily, pla daily, And China Daily,

RAND Corporation researcher Nathan Beauchamp-Mustafaga and others argue that the use of WeChat and Weibo by Chinese state media is far more important for understanding China’s resistance signal.

“In July 2016, after losing an international arbitration case over the international legality of its maritime territorial claims in the South China Sea, H-6K bombers of the Chinese Air Force flew over the Scarborough Shoal, one of the sources of the dispute with the Philippines. One was and was first reported on its official social media account on Weibo, the Twitter version of the broadcast China. writing Beauchamp-Mustafaga et al in the paper titled ‘Decrypting Chinese Deterrence Signaling in the New Era’.

The PLA took a similar stand during the 2017 Doklam standoff.

“The PLA exercises on the Tibetan Plateau were a demonstration of its capabilities, mobilization and readiness, and were intended to show China’s military superiority, undermine the morale of the Indian Army, and prevent further aggression by India,” Beauchamp-Mustafaga et al. wrote,


Read also: One flag, one theatre—PLA sign for India in Ladakh, Sikkim on Chinese Martyrs’ Day


Taiwan’s visit a sign of future actions

Military activity unveiled by Beijing after the visit of US Speaker of the House of Representatives Nancy Pelosi to Taiwan may give us some indication of what type of crisis Beijing may signal in the future. Reactions to the Pelosi visit began to appear on Chinese social media, before more official state media stepped in to send out the message. Later there was an increase in the use of social media platforms – including the firing of a DF-15 missile by the PLA – before the start of full-scale military exercises around Taiwan.

The PLA used social media platforms to send distress signal messages during Pelosi’s visit and later clarified the threats in official state media articles.

“Their actions are very dangerous and will inevitably have dire consequences. The Chinese People’s Liberation Army is on high alert and determined to counter this, protect national sovereignty and territorial integrity, and thwart external interference and ‘Taiwan independence’ separatist efforts.” Will launch a series of targeted military operations. Told Wu Qian, spokesman for the Ministry of National Defense on August 2. The ministry’s message first surfaced on Weibo and WeChat.

With the annual exercises and weapons testing, the signal is becoming increasingly difficult to distinguish from the actual distress signal. China openly advertises military exercises in Ladakh and Tibet, and communication channels have overtaken official state media. The distress signal in the context of Ladakh is far more targeted than in Doklam, where Beijing has not fully achieved its objective – but wants to do so with the current standoff.

Beijing’s strategy in Ladakh appears to stifle India’s growing equanimity with building new infrastructure projects in both regions and force New Delhi to accept the new status quo. Another aspect of Beijing’s compelling approach is the Narendra Modi government changing its behavior of aligning with the US and the Quad.

When Chinese diplomats say the India-China border dispute has been ‘normalized’ while the PLA continues to conduct missile tests and military exercises, the strategy puts maximum pressure on the opponent to force them to accept the terms on the table. is to be inserted. There are limits to what diplomacy can achieve; Beijing is heading towards a crisis with a strategic goal before India. Arguing as a ‘sovereignty issue’ for the dispute over parts of the Ladakh region, which has been cited by Chinese state media, could set precedent for future conflict.

It is important to read the signals to understand Beijing’s resistance strategy and future action along the Line of Actual Control.

The research for the column by the author is part of a dissertation submitted to the School of Oriental and African Studies, London. The author is a columnist and a freelance journalist, currently pursuing an MSc in International Politics with a focus on China from the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London. He was previously a Chinese media reporter for the BBC World Service. He tweeted @aadilbrar. Thoughts are personal.

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