Plenty of problems in Punjab elections

The political climate is no different as Assembly elections are due in less than two weeks in Punjab. There is a problem of abundance: too many political parties are in the fray and people are not sure what the political harvest will give.

Traditionally, paddy and wheat-growing agriculture similar to the monoculture type of farming practiced in the state, Punjab has long had two parties: the Congress and the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD). In 2017, a new party entered: the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). This year the number of parties has diversified. Disgruntled Congressman and former Chief Minister Amarinder Singh has formed the Punjab Lok Congress and formed an alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and some Akali leaders. Samyukta Samaj Morcha (SSM) is a Kisan Sangh party, which like AAP wants to change the politics of Punjab.

People, however, point to an irony: Until last December, Punjab had led farmers’ protests against the Centre’s agricultural laws for more than a year. While the Center said farmers would have the freedom to sell their produce to any buyer outside state-regulated wholesale markets, farmers feared that the laws would end in corporate takeover of their land and stockpile of agricultural produce. He was pitted against an elected government at the Centre, but he displayed intense political consciousness and resolve. This forced the government to agree to their demands. The laws were eventually repealed.

Irony: Soon after the protest, farmers found themselves in the middle of an election. They have to elect the government, but holding it accountable can be difficult. This doubt is evident when one talks to farmers.

“This has been going on since the British left. Harinder Kaur Bindu, general secretary of the Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (Ekta-Ugrahan), says, “It is appropriate for the state to ignore the real power of the people and divert the attention of the people through the empty rituals of elections. Do you remember terrorism in 1992? By calling elections).

political soup

The SAD-BJP government, whose rule ended in 2017, was embroiled in controversy, with allegations that control of the state’s resources had been transferred to the mafia in sand, gravel, transport and liquor, even That the drug menace continued unabated.

Incidents related to sacrilege of holy books and places of worship, and the killing of two protesters in Behbal Kalan police firing fueled raging discontent in the state—in October 2015, police opened fire on people protesting the desecration of the Guru Granth Sahib.

The Congress won the 2017 election not just because of the anti-incumbency wave against the SAD-BJP, but also because its then leader Captain Amarinder Singh had taken the oath of the Sikh holy scripture to solve Punjab’s problems. The Aam Aadmi Party joining the new party was viewed with much cynicism, especially as it was friendly with those who sympathized with Khalistan. The Maur Mandi blast was another reason that prompted many urban Hindus to vote for the Congress.

Congress candidate Harminder Singh Jassi had ended his election campaign on 31 January 2017, three days before the last election, when a powerful bomb exploded at Maur Mandi near Bathinda. Seven people, including minors, were killed and 14 were injured in the blast.

Despite promising to rid the state of the double evils of corruption and drug menace, the Congress did nothing after coming to power. So far, incidents of sacrilege and police firing have been investigated by two judicial commissions, three police investigations as well as the Central Bureau of Investigation. Similarly, there is a fire in the investigation of Maur Mandi blast case.

The Congress also went back on its promise to waive the loans of farmers and laborers. Agriculture credit has been a sensitive issue in the state. Much of the Congress’ inaction went unnoticed, even when Captain Amarinder Singh was recently diagnosed with Covid-19 and announced that he would isolate himself, some asked: “But Have you not isolated yourself for the last 4.5 years? ,

Though the Akalis have now severed their nearly 25-year-old alliance with the BJP, farmers say the party initially supported agricultural laws. To get Dalit votes- 32% of the population, the SAD has allied with the Bahujan Samaj Party this time and has even promised a Dalit deputy chief minister.

As far as AAP is concerned, journalist and activist Sangeet Toor says that Punjab still feels that AAP does not represent Arvind Kejriwal’s interests because of his style of functioning. “AAP is doing tricolor yatra and peace march to project Punjab as a disturbed region. People consider it a matter of honor for Punjab. People are wary of Kejriwal, who, as AAP chief and chief minister of Delhi, supported the abrogation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir, notified one of three agricultural laws, and is vague on the release of Sikh political prisoners. ,” she says.

In the past year and a half, due to anger against agricultural laws, the BJP had become persona non grata in the state. It has got a new lease of life after Capt’s tie-up with Punjab Lok Congress. The recent defection from the Congress to the BJP and its ticket distribution indicate that the party is gaining traction—at least among elite Sikhs and urban Hindus—in about 40% of Punjab.

While the SSM believes that it should attempt to change politics from within, its parent organisation, the United Kisan Morcha (SKM), is not impressed. The union body would prefer to remain as a pressure group and remain non-committal to elections.

Communist parties which are part of SSM are fielding candidates under their own flag. It needs to be seen how the SSM performs when it represents only one constituency—farmers—and does not have a substantial presence in Dalits and urban voters, or Majha and Doaba areas.

Politics

Late last year, Congress decided on some face-saving measures. It appointed Navjot Singh Sidhu as the chief of Punjab Pradesh Congress. He was responsible for the removal of Captain Amarinder Singh from the post of Chief Minister of Congress. To counter the Akalis, the Congress appointed Charanjit Singh Channi, a Dalit face, to the post of Chief Minister. It was a bold move and a sign of a big change.

Channi got 111 days to rule. His first move was to lay the foundation stone of a museum on Babasaheb Ambedkar. He funded educational institutions and announced various welfare programs: waiver of pending water and electricity bills, reduction in tariffs on electricity and water, cut sand rates, and exemptions for police and sportspersons, among others. Channi’s image got a boost on January 5 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi canceled his Ferozepur rally citing security concerns. Channi defended Punjab vigorously and won fans across the board.

Yet, the issue with Congress is that Sidhu, a former cricketer and opener, is not seen as a team player. He has a constant conflict with Channi. By making Channi the party’s chief ministerial candidate, the Congress has changed the story from aam aadmi (aam aadmi) to poor aadmi (poor man) – which many see as a sign of the decline of Punjab which is the country’s number one developed country. was the state. few decades ago. Now it has to be seen how Sidhu presents the Congress as a united house.

Before declaring Bhagwant Mann as its chief ministerial candidate, AAP’s slogan was: ‘Puraja Punjab is with Kejriwal’. It was a claim but when SSM came up as an option in Malwa, Kejriwal got angry. Now, the slogan has changed to: ‘Punjab Phir Phir Dhokha Nahi Dega’.

The Congress has used Sikh prayers to coin its slogan: ‘Punjab di Chardi Kala, Congress maange sarbat da bhala’ – the passionate Punjab seeks the welfare of the world. Sikh organizations have opposed this and the order of the Election Commission is awaited.

Meanwhile, the contest between two commoners leading the two major parties—Mann and Channi—is a sign of how the state has so far practiced elite politics.

Channi’s image suffered a setback when the Enforcement Directorate recently raided her nephew for sand mining and found him 6 crore cash in the latter’s possession. The Akalis had their own problems when, in December 2021, the Punjab Police registered a case under the Narcotics and Psychotropic Act against senior leader Bikram Singh Majithia based on a report by the Special Task Force. Now, the Supreme Court has extended Majithia’s detention till after the elections. As Captain Amarinder Singh continues to target Sidhu, the Akalis announce that Majithia will take on Sidhu in Amritsar East.

Political analyst Professor Harjeshwarpal Singh says, “These are the first elections where traditional Punjab-centric issues – Sutlej Yamuna Link Canal, Chandigarh, Punjabi speaking areas, 1984 riots etc – are not being raised by any main party.” Instead, the main issues are Delhi Model (AAP) vs Punjab Model (Sidhu), free electricity and water, pension etc. AAP is now for soft Hindutva, BJP for hard Hindutva and Congress for caste claim. All this is closely related to the end of Jatt Sikh hegemony and points to the irrelevance of the Akalis in state politics.”

real issues

Eminent writer and Dalit activist Des Raj has been traveling to Punjab to know the pulse of the Kali people. “When you listen to the common people, you feel sad how even hope is missing. These elections are now about key socio-economic issues—education, unemployment, the effects of the pandemic, health, even agriculture. I am not there. It seems that the elections are being fought in the sky and not on the ground.”

Jaskirat Singh, an environmentalist who has worked for many years to clean up the polluted Buddha Darya (a seasonal creek that runs through Ludhiana) and opposes the Matewara Industrial Park on the banks of the Sutlej, says, “Any political party Not raising the environment as an issue. , No one is paying attention to how the water level of this area is falling. Our rivers are poisoned by sewage and industrial waste. Our forests are only 3.67% and are decreasing. But we do not pay attention to how we can get clean water and air. These are the real issues. Unless we can live and breathe, what is the use of all these welfare schemes or identity politics?”

Though AAP claims to be a separate party, it has given at least 38 seats to leaders who had left other parties and joined them. Congress is also being accused of nepotism in seat allocation.

A popular joke goes: “It’s so cold. If you take the muffler, then people understand that you are with Kejriwal. If you take the dough – the big shawl – then you are with the chani; If you take an old shawl, you are with Sidhu; If you wear a long coat, you are with Badal.”

“A cursory glance at the list of candidates of all political parties reveals that only 10% of women candidates have got tickets. AAP has announced that it will pay every woman if she wins 1,000 for the next five years. Congress has done it better by offering 2,000. In a deeply feudal and patriarchal society, parties are asserting that women only have equal rights,” says activist Toor.

Till now, due to the third wave of the pandemic, the Election Commission had banned rallies in the state. When the rallies start, maybe after February 11, fog will come instead of rain. In the absence of a clear vision, all the parties will continue to appear as each other’s counterpart. The main issue is lack of trust in political parties.

As of now, only one aspect is clear: Punjab is in a state of flux and unlike in 2017, it will not be broad for one party. A contest between the Congress and the AAP could result in a hung assembly where other parties can play the role of king maker.

(Amandeep Sandhu is the author of Punjab: Journey Through Fault Lines.,