Deciding on a course of action may mean revising several decades of its predominantly non-interventionist policy.
Deciding on a course of action may mean revising several decades of its predominantly non-interventionist policy.
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has shocked the world, especially in Europe, the region most affected. Countries close to the Russian border, namely the Baltic states and Poland, had long warned against such a possibility, which they saw as the next step after the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and months-long Russian military build-up on the border. Germany, the strongest European economy and the leading nation to the European Union, however, remained indifferent to warnings such as exaggerated alarmism.
This attitude was not only the fault of the current federal government formed by the Social Democrats, the Green Party and the Liberals. Former Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Christian Democrat conservatives, then in alliance with the Social Democrats, upheld the hope that Russian President Vladimir Putin could be granted concessions without penalty. Even after Moscow, for the first time since 1990, created a new border in Europe with the annexation of Crimea in 2014, Nord Stream 2, a major pipeline project between Russia and Germany, was approved and almost commissioned. Was. With regard to warnings about possible Russian intentions, the German government believed that it understood Russia better than the rest of the world, which eventually became wishful thinking.
one over and understatement
The lack of realistic thinking in foreign affairs in a country that holds the arch-realist Otto von Bismarck in high esteem may seem absurd for India struggling with two powerful neighbors with nuclear weapons as a fact of life in this century . Whereas based on a particular mindset the Germans have underestimated their influence over the Kremlin and the security obsession of Mr. Putin over the past three decades. The first category falls under the term ‘peace-dividend’, after overcoming the Cold War and the division of Germany, surrounded by friends with no hostile neighbours. And the second was the German-Gandhian world’s dream of a no-arms, a concept particularly appealing to those who had initiated the destruction of Europe in the two world wars in the 20th century and were the most affected.
The results of these pacific thoughts are now becoming more visible. Despite being one of the richest countries, Germany starved its armed forces financially. The army has very few serviceable helicopters, submarines or artillery. As a result, while Ukraine requests all kinds of weapons for its defence, Germany has hardly anything other than tanks that were decommissioned a decade ago and for which no ammunition is available.
near taboo subjects
In addition to such practicalities, mental reservation hinders taking a different path, which can be seen throughout German society. After Hitler, the Germans worked hard to become likable in the world and to be considered democratic, pacifist, cooperative, sensible and helpful. As a result, military force, power politics and national interests have become almost taboo subjects, and refusal to engage in conflict has become a national mantra. Protecting national interests, such as the protection of export opportunities, which is the basis of German wealth, by sending a navy to protect some shipping routes was approved by parliament, but condemned by large sections of the media as a resurgence in military adventurism. done.
The same attitude is also found among prominent Social Democrats such as their Speaker in Parliament, Rolf Mutzenich, who made a career in the belief of a world without arms. In addition to criticism among the media and the public, the views of dignitaries such as Mr. Mutzenich appear inconclusive to the current chancellor, Olaf Scholz, that he could not rule in favor of arms deliveries to Ukraine as there was widespread resistance within him. was. Celebration.
The Green Party tends to face a similar dilemma; Its ministers in the cabinet are the most vocal in supporting Ukraine by any means, but there is growing discontent among its pacifist supporters who do not support the argument that the victims of the invasion need support. Germany is an important member of the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, but it is highly disputed how deeply involved it should be in supporting Ukraine. Deciding on such an action would mean another revision of several decades of primarily non-interventionist policy.
Amit Das Gupta is a scholar at Federal Army University Munich. Krishnan Srinivasan is a former Indian Foreign Secretary