The bitter truth emerged from the rubble of communal riots

The recently organized Ram Navami festival and Hanuman Jayanti have been flooded with riots in the states. Madhya Pradesh, Gujaratin Bihar, West Bengal, Rajasthan and Delhi’s Jahangirpuri A new chapter seems to have begun in Hindu-Muslim violence. After what was the last time such a cycle of Hindu-Muslim violence happened simultaneously in so many states? Babri Masjid demolition on 6 December 1992, While the demolition of the Babri Masjid sparked riots in different parts of India that year, not a single such tragic incident can be attributed to the current cycle of violence, which has not only led to a radical change in inter-religious relations at the social level. Indicates change, but also at the societal level. State-community relations.

Recent incidents have seen violence followed by demolition drives, for example, Use of bulldozers in Jahangirpuri, The entrance of its local Jama Masjid was damaged. Thus, from the destruction of the Babri Masjid to the demolition of a part of Jahangirpuri’s Jama Masjid this year, it has been a full circle in the right-wing approach to the Hindu-Muslim issue. Between 1992 and 2022, the politics of the Hindu right seems hollow the word ‘demolition’ In the Journey of Muslim Identity in Modern India. At the time of the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) governed four states: Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh; And these governments were dismissed by the PV Narasimha Rao government of Congress after the demolition.

Some commentators who questioned these dismissals tried to justify the secular credentials of these BJP governments by citing the absence of riots in these states. But these days such claims cannot be made about BJP ruled states. Instead, according to reports, the riots may be designed to perpetuate polarization even in non-BJP ruled states, with Muslim victims posing as perpetrators.

Almost ‘standard practice’

In the present instance, the Supreme Court of India has fortunately intervened, and has Strong remarks about the use of bulldozers in Jahangirpuri, But the point is that the use of bulldozers as a ‘solution’ to riots has emerged as standard practice in many BJP-ruled states. Whereas Uttar Pradesh is the first state in India to use the bulldozer as an extra judicial weapon.other states like Madhya Pradesh (in case of violence in Khargone) and Gujarat (in) Violence in Sabarkantha) has also justified it as the final solution. The riots are not specific to India, and also occur in developed countries, for example, racial riots in the US. But in no other country does the state employ bulldozers as a solution.

question of belonging

For example, in Jahangirpuri, BJP leaders have brought up the ‘presence’ of Rohingya and Bangladeshi refugees as a factor, such that their groups are integral to the all-Muslim neighbourhood. Like all ideological movements, the Right appears to recklessly use invented facts to promote its ideological propaganda. Based on this, the Right has been able to project Indian Muslims – one of the most disadvantaged communities in modern India – as the most pampered in public perception using accusations of appeasement over the years. By bringing ‘Rohingya and Bangladeshi refugees’ into the talks, Adhikari seeks to question the legitimacy of Muslims. With no historical right of the motherland, the ‘right to home’ vanishes. Therefore the use of a bulldozer becomes the most appropriate intervention.

Neither riots nor religious processions are new in India. However, what is new – and as media reports – is the use of incendiary slogans that are intended to hurt the Muslim community, and aggressive acts such as the display of swords to try and incite vengeance, thereby Riots happen. While further investigation may uncover more facts that have led to or exacerbated the violence, the truth is that there has been a deliberate attempt to change the nature of purely religious processions, thus Hindutva. The deep penetration of the ideology has been marked. otherwise regular religious life.

change in the attitude of the state

On Hindu-Muslim violence in India, there is strong scholarship by scholars from various disciplines. Here, there are two observations on which there is a consensus: First, Muslims suffer disproportionately in terms of loss of life and livelihood in the riots. Second, the main cause of communal violence is often petty. What has changed now is that communal violence can happen even without the slightest cause. Even more interesting is the difference in the state’s approach to dealing with riots and post-riot situations as opposed to the pre-majority moment in Indian politics. In the past (especially under so-called secular regimes), the common approach applied to dealing with post-riot situations included the establishment of the Inquisition; compensation for victims; Visits to violence-hit areas by leaders like chief ministers or even the prime minister. For example, the then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had visited Muzaffarnagar in the aftermath of the 2013 violence.

On the other hand, after the Jahangirpuri incident, the Chief Minister of Delhi has also decided not to travel like the leaders of the BJP. It has been argued that by doing so, the Chief Minister has “smartly avoided” the trap of the BJP in this atmosphere of toxic communal politics. But the fact is that by doing so the Delhi Chief Minister has only internalized the fear of the Hindutva narrative and has subconsciously trapped himself on BJP’s terms. Any ideological politics requires clarity over conviction and fearlessness in its implementation. Therefore, without clarity on the rights of citizens and the confidence to perform the solemn duties of a public servant, it is futile to claim to represent an alternative to today’s right.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman teaches at Jamia Millia Central University, New Delhi. He is the author of the upcoming book ‘Shikwa-e-Hind: The Political Future of Indian Muslims’.