The White House has not yet commented on these news reports, but if they turn out to be true, India’s indigenous capability to manufacture fighter aircraft will get a boost, and a major obstacle to its defense preparedness will be reduced. It also reflects a growing level of implicit trust in global geopolitical considerations that could potentially strengthen strategic cooperation between India and the US, particularly in the Indo-Pacific region.
There is no doubt that India-US defense cooperation has gained unprecedented momentum in the last decade. However, the major change occurred in 2005, when the nations signed several bilateral agreements. These included the nuclear deal and the ‘New Framework for India-US Defense Partnership’ with a tenure of 10 years. This framework deepens military-to-military cooperation through joint exercises, defense trade and personnel exchanges and was renewed in 2015. Research, co-production and co-development. Also, in 2012, India and the US signed Defense Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) to remove barriers to defense technology exchange. As of 2016, India was accorded the status of a ‘Major Defense Partner’, which committed the US to technology sharing with India at a level comparable to that of its closest allies and partners, and industry collaboration for defense co-production and co-development.
The two countries have also signed four major agreements on security of shared military information (2002), mutual access to logistics facilities (2016), communications compatibility and security (2018) and geospatial intelligence (2020). But the DTTI, which aimed to simplify technology transfer policies and explore possibilities of co-development and co-production, made little progress in technology transfer mainly due to constraints posed by US domestic laws. In 2022, an agreement called Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (ICET) was signed. Its main objective was to remove bureaucratic barriers and excessive regulations that impede technical cooperation.
The US Department of Commerce controls all transfers of critical technologies through the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR). This process includes assessment of significant technology risks as well as risk mitigation. Therefore, an ITAR package for the F414 would have to be created and approved by the Departments of Commerce, State and Defense and approval from the US Congress. The official status of the process is not known, but if the F414 is to be announced during PM Modi’s visit it should be at an advanced stage.
Safeguard rails can logically be expected not to allow sharing of intellectual property rights of core technologies. For a complex product like a jet engine with several thousand parts, this will ensure that dependence on the US remains in the long run. For example, it will not transfer technology related to critical materials used in thermal contact parts, such as turbine blades, which are critical for developing thrust in jet engines. Furthermore, the F414 engine is now over 30 years old and has undergone several upgrades. The version in question should now indicate if it is the latest and best available. In particular, most US fighters today use more advanced engines.
The shadow of concerns around the protection of intellectual property rights can only be overshadowed by the expected strategic benefits for US interests. If an advanced jet engine deal does happen, it would signal that the shadow has shrunk as geopolitical views and expectations shift.
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geopolitical expectations
China’s aggressive strategy – especially in the backdrop of its rapid economic, technological and military development – has led the US and India to see the possibility of strengthening the latter’s military capability as a necessity. For India, China The 2020 intrusion in Ladakh buried all illusions of Beijing political seat toward New Delhi. India’s closeness with America has increased Since then, and the jet engine deal is one of many There was an understanding between the two. For Wethis was it Donald Trump administration which took several steps against China, Especially in the context of denial of technology.
However, the Russia-Ukraine war has brought India’s geopolitical posture to the fore, and points to New Delhi’s approach as one that is relevant and in line with its interests. Russia has been seen as a partner in the fields of defense and energy. Also, unlike the US, India believes that a strong Russia, as part of a multipolar global structure, is in the wider interest of global stability. It is becoming increasingly clear that the US is reluctantly accepting India’s position, especially in the context of its global confrontation with China.
Most of the outcomes of Modi’s visit would have already been, more or less, decided and confirmed through several rounds of talks at various levels. Understandably, the jet deal will be part of a broader understanding, as well as expectations that may not be explicitly stated or made publicly known. recently reports Supports transfer of Heritage Foundation by US think tank F414 technology to India to counter China. It also suggests the possibility of greater cooperation between India and the US on the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. The islands are of geo-strategic importance as they are the gateway to the Strait of Malacca, which connects the Indian Ocean to the South China Sea and the western Pacific.
The Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), signed in 2016 after 10 years of long discussions, caters to the armies of the US and India. It allows both countries to replenish logistics from each other’s bases through access to supplies, spare parts and services from each other’s land facilities, air bases and ports, which can be reimbursed. It will also prove particularly useful for logistics in the Indo-Pacific. But it does not include ammunition stores, which are a key component of combat logistics support for military operations.
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A win for the public sector?
according to some media reports, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) has already been earmarked to partner with General Electric to manufacture the F414. HAL already has experience in this area apart from the necessary infrastructure. But it is a moot point whether it will shed its public sector culture, acquire the necessary competencies, and leverage its experience to rapidly pursue indigenization. Keeping in view the importance of the project, it is high time that the government appoints a suitable serving or retired Air Marshal who could perhaps bring about a change in the work culture of HAL. On the other hand, even though HAL was kept out of the Rafale deal, in the case of the F414 it appears that the Indian private sector will play the role of the seller, with potential benefits accruing to the Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs). , The public sector seems to have won this round.
the bigger picture
The significance of the proposed jet engine deal lies not only in reducing dependence on arms imports, but also in the trust developed between India and the US as they work together to protect their common interests from Chinese aggression. Indian hopes will be that the deal is a precursor to similar agreements in other areas that could be locked in ongoing but lengthy discussions on naval, air, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance systems.
India’s active participation in the QUAD and preserving its ties with Russia as well as deepening defense ties with the US is a clear signal to the US, Russia and China – New Delhi will sit in the same tent if the context has similar interests But it will not be included in any military camp/block.
Lt. Gen. (Dr.) Prakash Menon (Retd.) is the Director of the Strategic Studies Program at the Takshashila Institute; Former Military Advisor, National Security Council Secretariat. He tweeted @prakashmenon51. Thoughts are personal.
(Edited by Zoya Bhatti)