India’s top court on Wednesday sharply criticized the role of farm stubble every year around this time, especially around the time the airwaves were being discussed in Delhi’s air. In the haze of sharing all the blame for the pollution that has beset the crisis, the role that is crying out for both clarity and attention is that of state policy. The dense clusters of post-harvest fires in our northern rice belt at this point on the calendar can partly be traced back to the 2009 harvest timetable set by Punjab, which aimed to prevent as much monsoon rain as possible for paddy. To conserve ground water. This pushes all sowing into a tight mango band, leading to a scramble to clear fields for later harvesting and winter crops. While mechanical harvesters in widespread use across the region are faster than manual labor, they leave a residue of straw that many cash-strapped farmers will burn – and will be done with fast – environmentally friendly but costly fields. Instead of paying for – Withdrawal option. Incentive schemes to make the latter cheaper have achieved little so far. Our great misfortune is that this constricted circle, along with the change in wind patterns, produces plumes of smoke, which carry a regional shroud of haze that flows east. Given the risk of water scarcity, eliminating crop-cycle regulation would involve a difficult trade-off. This cannot be said about our main tool for state-directed agriculture, however, which also plays a role.
As part of our ‘mixed economy’ after independence, we did not opt for collective farming but instead adopted the system of collective procurement for food security. One of its legacy is the constant glut of rice that must be picked up at government-specified prices. In a market setting, weak demand for food grains will undermine its price and act as a signal for farmers to cultivate less of it, and conversely, help production reach an optimum level. Analysts believe that the reduction in rice supply by the region by about a quarter will save water and provide relief from smog. It may even be enough to meet demand. Fields can diversify into pulses, oilseeds or other crops that we really lack; Perhaps our dependence on import of edible oils will be reduced. Price signals, however, are rendered ineffective by a state’s collection of crops through a system that increases agricultural income, which, like ‘sticky wages’, goes up but not down. With paddy both profitable and relatively risk-free, farmers have no incentive to use their land for other crops, no matter if the state’s granaries are overfilled with rice.
Addressing this structural disease requires market reforms in our agriculture sector that will help the demand-supply interaction guide a greater part of farming efforts and produce better results. Unfortunately, the Centre’s hasty legislative effort to open up the sector to private buyers and supply contracts would have tarnished our chance for a cooperative response from affected farmers. If guaranteed state purchases fall short, many fear, they will potentially be exposed to exploitation by a cartel of private buyers. This has created distrust in them. And the conversation has stalled. Perhaps a plan for a gradual shift towards a market system with strong antitrust provisions designed to shield farmer interests will allay their concern. The state can play the role of the main buyer until a strong market is created for their produce, after which it must offer a fallback cushion as mandated by law. Low production of paddy will not clean Delhi’s air, as its role is only partial. But we need reforms anyway.
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