‘Middle class activism prioritizes issues and concerns that directly affect them, often ignoring the needs and struggles of marginalized classes and communities’. Photo Credit: Sushil Kumar Verma
Public protest has long served as a catalyst for social and policy change in India, allowing individuals, classes and communities to voice their grievances and advocate for their rights. Over the past few years, protests have grown with surprising speed. The protests opened up a new era of social activism in the decade when the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was in power. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party, has also faced considerable opposition from many groups, but has behaved very differently from previous governments.
Editorial | Wrestling for Justice: On Protesting Wrestlers
from nirbhaya till now
In December 2012, after the brutal gang rape of a 23-year-old physiotherapy student (Nirbhaya), people around the world saw thousands of people take to the streets in New Delhi’s Central Vista. The protests became so intense and the public outcry was so great that the UPA government decided to address the issues of sexual violence at a policy level through the introduction of the new Criminal Law (Amendment) Act 2013 to provide for harsher punishments and widen the scope. I was forced to of crimes.
Fast forward to May 2023. Medal-winning wrestlers, who have brought laurels to the country, have been on the streets for nearly four months demanding the arrest of the Wrestling Federation of India (WFI) chief and the Kaiserganj Member of Parliament (MP). , Brij Bhushan Sharan SinghBJP’s whom he has accused of sexually assaulting female wrestlers and a minor. But the authorities did not respond for weeks. The Delhi Police needed the intervention of the Supreme Court of India to register two First Information Reports (FIRs).
Wrestlers have talked to the Home Minister and Sports Minister, but no consensus could be reached on the main demand to arrest him. The fact that the ruling party MP does not face any political censure despite serious allegations in the FIR clearly indicates that the institutional system has failed these remarkably brave wrestlers who fought for justice in the face of tremendous state pressure Is.
But what about civil society and the public at large? The protest has received some support from civil society, especially organizations representing workers, farmers, women, students and youth, but this is small compared to public support for this regime or previous protests. There was no rally, no demonstration or march that defined the protest against sexual violence during the UPA era. There is no movement of people from the pictures of the wrestlers being dragged away by the police. Despite the potential for mass mobilization, these protests have failed to garner significant support from the middle class and women’s groups, which were at the forefront of the Nirbhaya protests in 2012.
Protests are undoubtedly difficult under the current regime, as they are immediately branded as ‘anti-national’. Also, activists may feel the futility of protesting against a government that does not listen; But the fact is that this regime has been forced to respond to some protests, even if it has done so out of political expediency. Withdrawal of the controversial farm laws and back-tracking on the controversial National Register of Citizens (NRC) and the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA) are two recent examples where the government had to backtrack.
context of class politics
The Indian women’s movement has a long history of organizing around sexual violence against women. They have organized direct action in the streets in the past. But this time, except for Left groups and the All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA), women’s groups have been largely missing in action, even when it is an issue of gender justice. But it is not just about gender justice; It is about the broader issues of dissent, dignity and social justice. Moreover, in the Nirbhaya case, it was not only women who were being mobilised, but also a wider section of civil society which included men as well. Heavy mass mobilization had blocked the India Gate area for almost weeks, but nothing of the sort has happened this time.
Wrestling is deeply ingrained in Indian culture and has a long history, especially in rural areas. However, traditional wrestling has not received the same level of attention and support in India as other sports such as cricket. Most of the protesting wrestlers come from modest economic backgrounds; The Games have helped them achieve a measure of social and economic mobility. The lack of interest in this movement has to be seen in the wider context of class politics.
The active participation of the middle class in the Anna Hazare movement (2011) and the Nirbhaya protests presents a contrasting picture, highlighting the importance given by this class to social activism. His involvement in the two movements propelled him to the center stage of political discourse. The anti-corruption campaign was not against the politics of Hindutva; In fact, the adoption of its symbols and slogans increased its widespread support. The urban middle class is also very good about neo-liberalism; It has taken advantage of the opportunities made available by the neo-liberal economy in the last three decades. Indeed, the middle class has expanded since the economic reforms through a private sector boom driven by economic liberalisation. It is this class that was infatuated with ‘India Shining’, and then supported the then prime minister, Manmohan Singh, before turning against him as the UPA introduced entitlement-based laws and other broad-based social policies. However, their changing political loyalties reflect an ideological stability that is characteristic of the middle class in its combined devotion to neo-liberalism and Hindutva. Middle-class opposition to the UPA played a key role in discrediting it; Now, these same sections strongly support the existing system and see no reason to go against it even on issues of sexual violence.
a form of polarization
The support extended by khap panchayats underscores the complexities and challenges facing this protest. Their support highlights the social identity of the wrestlers but the issue of identity could have been overcome if the wrestlers had more support from the civil society. Yet, it is not about caste politics, but majoritarian politics that has encouraged a ready acceptance of the ‘law will take its own course’ rhetoric, even when it is abundantly clear that with the powerful The law does not take its course when dealing, unless they cannot and will not interfere with due process. Nevertheless, this rhetorical device facilitates the endorsement of the government’s narrative, including the mistreatment of the pehelwans by the police. This is another sign that polarization is being fueled by majoritarian politics in the country today.
Middle class activism prioritizes issues and concerns that directly affect them, often ignoring the needs and struggles of marginalized classes and communities. This self-focus can perpetuate inequalities and hinder efforts to address broader social issues. Failing to consider the intersections of class, race, gender, and other factors can lead to a narrow understanding of social reality and marginalized voices. In the event, there is a sense of skepticism towards mass politics and egalitarian ideas and movements.
This trend contributed to an unprecedented peace between the middle classes and even the oppressed classes. Above all, it means that insufficient public pressure has been exerted on the government to punish a notorious history-sheeter. It is symbolic of society’s normalization of patriarchy and sexual oppression.
Zoya Hasan is Professor Emerita, Center for Political Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University