There is a need to fight both Islamophobia and Religiophobia

The initial resolution adopted by the United Nations and proposed by the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) declares 15 March as the International Day to Combat Islamophobia. It was adopted after two years of deliberation and three years after the terrorist attack on a mosque in New Zealand killed 50 Muslims. It aims to mark an annual reminder on the calendar to fight Islamophobia around the world. The resolution tabled by Pakistan in the UN General Assembly on behalf of the OIC claimed that, “Islamophobia is a reality. Its manifestations – hate speech, discrimination and violence against Muslims – are spreading in many parts of the world.”

India’s Permanent United Nations Representative TS Tirumurti expressed the country’s concern over the ‘phobia’ against the elevation of one religion to the status of an International Day. He added that other forms of contemporary religious fear exist, aimed at Hindus, Buddhists and Sikhs as well. He said that with this resolution there will be many resolutions on phobias based on selected religions. Such resolutions could divide the United Nations into different religious groups, he said, and could set a wrong precedent, as such phobias are not limited to Abrahamic religions.

In this connection some important questions arise. For example, what is Islamophobia? How did it come into existence? Are there ways to measure it? How can the United Nations spread awareness of different religions and establish partnerships between faith-based organizations and government entities?

Tirumurti alleged that such proposals underestimate the seriousness of the phobia towards other religions. To add to their argument, we have recently seen how Hindus, Buddhists and Sikhs from Afghanistan took refuge in India after the Taliban came to power in Kabul. More examples are visible in these societies such as persecution of minorities in Bangladesh and Pakistan.

We could well argue that the United Nations has two primary objectives which are reflected in the Preamble and Article 1 of the United Nations Charter. First, the United Nations will work to ensure the peace and security of the world, and second, it will ensure security. of individual human rights. It is clear from these two objectives that the United Nations cannot support any religious division within its framework. Furthermore, the visit of the United Nations over the past 70 years shows us how it promotes secularism and religious tolerance among its member states. India’s position on the resolution is based on experiences in South Asia, mainly on the persecution of non-Abrahamic religions. Addressing the meeting, Tirumurti referred to the incident of destruction of Bamiyan Buddha statues in Afghanistan. He further said that followers of different religions across the world found India a safe haven, free from oppression and discrimination. The core of our existence depends on the plurality and security of all religious beliefs. The UN resolution that was passed did not mention the word ‘pluralism’, which is the basis of protection for all religious beliefs.

What we all need to understand is that it was European anti-racism activists who first adopted the term ‘Islamophobia’ in the 1970s and 80s as a form of resistance to anti-Muslim persecution, directed mostly at Muslim immigrants to the West. In simple words, racism is a matter of attitude and belief that extends to the practical consequences of such hostility as unfair discrimination against Muslim individuals and communities, and the exclusion of Muslims from mainstream political and social affairs.

Historically, people in the West have associated Islam with negative images, feelings, and stereotypes, with anti-Semitism as its analog, but its origins in contemporary discourse stem from the publication of a 1997 report, Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All, by British race-relations non-profit organisation, RunnyMed Trust.

This sentiment was echoed in 2004 by then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan at the United Nations Conference on ‘Confronting Islamophobia’, where he said that “when the world was forced to coin a new term keeping in mind the increasingly widespread bigotry”. So this is a sad and disturbing development, so is the case with Islamophobia.”

Another question that arises is how to measure Islamophobia. In the absence of direct measures, it can be measured through unsolicited statements made by politicians, civil servants, public figures, religious leaders, journalists, bloggers and others whose words are recorded for posterity. In addition, there is also some evidence in the depiction of Islam and Muslims in textbooks or popular culture, repressive public policies that assume that religious conversion (eg, marriage) is always coercive – or the alleged targeting of population control policies at one time. Specific minority groups by denying them government jobs, promotions, subsidies and the right to contest local elections to those violating child norms set by the state.

The need of the hour is to spread awareness about different religions, their customs, sources of authority, important practices and what elements of their belief system are most authoritative in informing the lives of their followers. Finally, in analyzing the impact of partnerships with faith-based organizations and government entities, both actors must work hard to clarify their understanding of how the world works and to promote empathy and harmony. What role can they play?

Abhinav Mehrotra and Vishwanath Gupta are assistant and associate professors respectively at OP Jindal Global University.

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