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Parties that are opposed to the BJP, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi in particular, are also opposed to each other, and are often more interested in defeating a non-BJP party than the BJP itself. They represent different interest groups and are motivated by contesting elections on ideological positions. There are five different types of opposition to the BJP.
Regional elites have a vantage point from which the BJP and the Congress are not fundamentally different: Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in Tamil Nadu, Shiv Sena factions in Maharashtra, Trinamool Congress (TMC) in West Bengal, Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) in Telangana In India, depending on the situation and context, all may side with the BJP or the Congress. Most of them currently see the BJP as a major threat to their interests, but that does not mean that the regional elite has found a natural ally in the Congress. He talks to both of them.
TMC and Congress are face to face in West Bengal. In fact, there is speculation about an ‘adjustment’ between the Left, the Congress and the BJP in the upcoming local body elections – yes, you read that right – against the TMC. Mamata Banerjee, TMC leader and Chief Minister (CM) of West Bengal lashed out against the BJP this week, attacking the saffron party’s “feudal” attitude towards the state. He called for opposition unity to oust the BJP from power.
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin at a public meeting. , Photo credit: R Senthil Kumar
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin and DMK leader have called a meeting on social justice in Chennai next week, in which almost all non-BJP parties have been invited. The conference is said to be “non-political” – whatever that means. Regional elites claim a certain ideological basis for legitimacy: language pride is a common factor in Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra and West Bengal. The BRS, which has dropped Telangana from its original name to reflect its pan-India presence, is pushing a farmer-centric agenda as its ideological plank.
Secularism is not a reference point for regional interest groups – all the above parties have formed direct or indirect alliances with both the Congress and the BJP at various points. They are driven by a determination to obtain maximum autonomy from Delhi.
The second vantage point is a non-political, ideology-free opposition to the BJP, represented by AAP’s Arvind Kejriwal. He has no opposition to BJP’s Hindutva agenda at all, but has declared an open war against Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Mr Kejriwal has turned governance into a service delivery platform, citizens into consumers, and will be comfortable in any ideological setting. He appears to be a centralized authoritarian who at times seeks to concentrate all power with the national government, but can also accept federalism bordering on separatism when the situation demands.
Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal addressing the media. , Photo Credit: Sushil Kumar Verma
A third vantage point for Mr Modi’s opposition is the dominant middle castes in the Hindutva heartland: the Yadavs of UP and Bihar, the Jats of UP, Haryana and Rajasthan. The dynamics here are different from the relationship between regional elites and national parties, but one thing is common: both the Congress and the BJP are viewed with suspicion. The parties representing this group are: Samajwadi Party (SP), Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD). Sections of these communities are also associated with the BJP and the Congress through individual leaders. These parties do not necessarily oppose the BJP for religious nationalism, but oppose upper caste primacy in the Hindutva scheme.
The BJP has been able to blunt this line of attack against itself through its direct outreach to these dominant communities on the one hand, and by alienating them through mobilization of other backward backward communities on the other. From the vantage point of these parties and communities, there is little difference between the Congress and the BJP.
The fourth vantage point is that of the constitutional liberals. He is out of touch with the public in the Hindi belt, and the Congress is his party at the national level. They regurgitate texts on constitutional liberalism, individual rights, integrity of institutions. This framework has no electoral relevance in India at this point of time.
In states where interest groups use the Congress as a vehicle – Karnataka, Kerala and Maharashtra – the party has electoral appeal. It has little to do with these lofty principles of democracy. Constitutional liberals are opposed to the BJP, but they are skeptical of other vantage points as well. They are not everywhere together; The Congress and the Left are the main rivals in Kerala, though they are allies in most other parts of the country.
The fifth vantage point is that of religious minorities, mainly Muslims, Sikhs and Christians. In some cases they try their own parties; In others, they join hands with regional elites, dominant castes, constitutional liberals, or apolitical paratroopers.
From all these vantage points, the BJP appears to be the bigger enemy than the Congress at the moment. But this does not mean that their mutual contradictions have disappeared, or that ideas have converged, or that the convergence is clean and universal.
Among the regional elite, Odisha’s Biju Janata Dal (BJD), and Andhra Pradesh’s Yuvajana Shramik Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP) seem to have no dog in this fight and are silent; Christians in Kerala and Nagaland see BJP as an alternative; And most importantly, the above groups undermine each other for the benefit of the BJP. AAP broke the pitch for Congress in Gujarat and TMC did the same in Goa, paving the way for BJP’s victory. Asaduddin Owaisi’s All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen contests elections while weakening other anti-BJP parties across the country.
The interplay of these five vantage points will determine the scope and strength of the opposition for the BJP in 2024. This is the big picture.
Federalism Path: Notes on Indian Diversity
A packet of curd for sale at a milk booth in Bengaluru. File photo The Hindu | Photo credit: The Hindu
Curd returns to parentheses in the south
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Return of Khalistan campaign?
Afterwards Punjab Police launches a coordinated crackdown against Dubai-returned radical preacher Amritpal Singh and his associates On 18 March, there is growing concern about the re-emergence of the Khalistan movement in Punjab. Hear to discuss the issue or read the transcript Here,