RAhul Gandhi in himself speech In Kolar, Karnataka, said only 7 per cent of all government secretaries belong to the OBC, SC and ST communities.
He could also add that none of the founders of the 104 unicorns in India is a Dalit, Adivasi or OBC. None of the top 50 companies listed on the National Stock Exchange of India are headed by Dalits, Adivasis or OBCs.
Or take the Adani group. Rahul Gandhi has been expelled from Parliament and his home for exposing the group’s ‘collusion’ with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. None of the 74 directors and top leadership in the group’s 16 core companies is a Dalit or Adivasi or OBC, according to an analysis of surnames by the Congress Data Research Unit. To put it bluntly, not only is the Adani group an alleged recipient of undue patronage from the Modi government, but it largely derives from the ‘upper’ caste leadership of the group.
On the other hand, according to government statistics, almost 100% of manual scavengers belong to these oppressed castes.
0% of the founders of billion dollar startup unicorns in India are Dalits.
97% of manual scavengers in India are Dalits.
Widespread caste inequality is the harsh reality and the ugly truth of India.
Even after 65 years of Babasaheb, his dream remains unfulfilled. pic.twitter.com/RUMDylW3nb
— Praveen Chakraborty (@pravchak) December 7, 2021
Surely this is not a mere coincidence. If dalits, adivasis and OBCs constitute almost three-fourths of India’s population, what is the reason for their exclusion from the top of the occupational ladder, while they represent the entire bottom (manual scavenging)?
For too long, this incredible disparity has been explained away as ‘meritocracy’. The argument is that professional positions at the top are filled purely by ‘merit’ and it so happens that 5-10 per cent of ‘upper’ castes make up 90-95 per cent of all qualified Indians. This is such an absurd argument that it is shocking it has survived for so long. It is both statistically and theoretically illogical to claim that three-quarters of the population have no ‘qualification’ and that all ‘qualification’ is concentrated in the top tenth.
Caste Census data required
Undeniably, there is a problem with how professional success has unfolded through Indian society over time. Such a clear caste-skew is clear evidence that caste is an important factor in determining social outcomes in India, as any empirical scientist would acknowledge. Either we accept it as an inevitable consequence of the laws of the human jungle or we accept the need to fix it as a civilized society. But before we succumb to the temptation to seek solutions, it is only logical to understand the seriousness and scope of the problem.
This is where the need arises to release the caste census data. We have neither official nor updated data of India’s population by various identity groups. We do not know the extent or lack of progress for each social group. We don’t know where the gaps are – education, health, income. The hesitancy to make the caste census data public stems from the fear that it could lead to social unrest once people realize the enormity of inequality that pervades Indian society and seek an immediate and elegant solution to correct it. There is a lack of solution. The fear is both real and understandable. But in the absence of an immediate solution, there can be no justification for not acknowledging and not understanding the problem. It is important to separate the need for caste census data from the possible solutions to correct these mistakes.
The demand for caste census data should not be immediately interpreted as more reservation or Mandal 2.0 or removal of 50 per cent cap on reservation or any such policy measures. The need to reframe policies to correct the skew is clear. But the design of the next generation of social reform policies will first depend on the size of the current problem, for which we need caste census data. Caste Census is the Indian society’s right to information first, and call to action second.
When Rahul Gandhi saidthe more the population the more rights‘ (Proportional Rights) In Karnataka, it was interpreted as merely an election campaign speech, intended to incite the mob. But in Gandhi’s mind, it is not limited to Karnataka or the elections. He will undoubtedly echo it in other parts of India and during non-election speeches. It is basically a call for 21st century social justice that gives rise to equitable distribution of success.
Read also: Rahul Gandhi can run Mandal 3, reverse the politics of social justice that BJP has pushed…
The next generation of social justice reforms
If we accept the asymmetry in the share of success in our society and the need to correct it, then the underlying principle for the solution is one of proportional sharing. That is, if dalits are a fifth of the population, then it is fair and reasonable to expect government bureaucrats or unicorn founders or CEOs to be dalits. It is so clear and justifiable as a first principle and a social purpose to aspire to. Again, this call for proportional rights does not necessarily or immediately mean that it has to be achieved forcibly by increasing reservation or by bringing in Mandal 2.0. The political call of ‘My share, my right’ given by Rahul Gandhi can be interpreted on the lines of ‘No taxation without representation’ given by American political leader James Otis in the 18th century for the American independence movement. To strive for based on the principles of fairness, justice and equality is to first have a goal, and then to determine the path to achieve it.
Once the caste census data is released and it is agreed that we will try for it.The more the population the more rights’, the next obvious question is how. This is where one needs to tread carefully and deliberately. There are no easy or quick solutions. Manipulating quotas or expanding reservation to the private sector are obvious solutions but they can lead to unintended consequences in today’s India. This is the time for next generation social justice reforms and not just rolling back old policies of reservation or affirmative action. It is imperative to fix the birth lottery problems at its core. Perhaps there could be solutions through a social lottery of chance. All ideas, new or old, bold or timid, radical or stale, should be put on the table and discussed in great detail to arrive at a solution.
Rahul Gandhi’s call may sound sudden or electorally motivated but it is not. After extensive deliberations supported by research, it was decided that the time has come for India’s next generation of social justice reforms. Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge’s letter to the Prime Minister asking him to make the caste census data public is the first step in this new movement. The government’s allegation that data cannot be made public until there is a clear solution to the problem of caste inequality is both myopic and untenable. it’s time’the more the population the more rights‘ – A new India that is just and fair and does not discriminate on the basis of birth. Let’s start with the figures.
Praveen Chakraborty is a political economist and senior functionary of the Congress Party. He tweeted @pravchak. Thoughts are personal.
(Edited by Ratan Priya)