Its purpose was to send the message that the purpose of America’s Indo-Pacific policy is not only to stop the rise of China.
In December 2021, United States Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken’s visit to Southeast Asia – his first since becoming secretary – underscores the importance the Joe Biden administration attaches to the region. While Mr Blinken visited Indonesia and Malaysia, he could not go to Thailand after a COVID-19 case was detected in the press corps with him (he landed there, spoke to the Deputy Prime Minister of Thailand expressing regret, and Then left for the US. ) In his speech at the Universitas Indonesia on December 14, Mr. Blinken laid out the five core principles shaping the US strategy of a free and open Indo-Pacific. At the same time, he outlined the mechanisms that the US is adopting to implement these core principles.
being a reliable partner
From Washington’s point of view, the purpose of presenting initiatives related to the region was to send the message that the US’s Indo-Pacific policy is not only aimed at preventing Chinese aggression and rise. The idea was to present the US as a reliable partner in meeting the challenges facing the Indo-Pacific region. For example, acutely aware that Southeast Asian countries are against favoring or taking sides in this US-China contest, Mr. Blinken made a point to mention that “individual countries go their own way and their own He said: “This is not about a competition between a US-centric region or a China-centric region because the Indo-Pacific is its own region.”
shadow of china
But the imminent Chinese threat was always lurking in the background, reflected in the suggestion that “from Northeast Asia to Southeast Asia, and from the Mekong River to the Pacific Islands, … great concern about Beijing’s aggressive actions.” is, claiming the open sea as its own, distorting open markets through subsidies to its state-run companies, refusing exports or canceling deals to countries whose policies it does not agree with engage in illegal, unrestricted and unregulated fishing activities.
Competition between the US and China is in full swing in the Indo-Pacific, and this competition is here to stay. Given how both China and the US are trying to woo the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries to their side – China with its grand economic infrastructure investment deals and recent high-profile official visits -With the promise to invest more in the region through the US Build Back Better World initiative and under the Blue Dot Network – there is evidence that Southeast Asia is the major theater where this competition will take place.
In Southeast Asia, US-China competition is most visible in two regions; One is the investment in the South China Sea and the other is to meet the infrastructure development needs of Southeast Asian countries. The US continues its freedom of navigation operations in the disputed waters of the South China Sea; These operations are to challenge “illegal and extensive maritime claims in the South China Sea”. [that] a serious threat to the freedom of the sea, including freedom of navigation and overflight.”
In his remarks in Indonesia, Mr. Blinken “emphasized the US’s determination to ensure freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, where Beijing’s aggressive actions would threaten the movement of more than $3 trillion worth of commerce each year.” Is”. He also brought up a 2016 international tribunal ruling that rejected Chinese nine-dash-line claims and said the US and other South China Sea claimant countries “will continue to back down on such behaviour”.
Beijing is invested here
When it comes to investment in infrastructure development, Southeast Asia has been one of the top recipients of Chinese investments under its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). How these investments have prompted countries like Cambodia and Laos to make China’s bid in ASEAN even at the cost of compromising ASEAN unity is a known fact. In addition, China is investing heavily in port and railway connectivity in countries such as Indonesia and Vietnam.
Mr Blinken reiterated that the US is committed to helping bridge the infrastructure gap. Recognizing that “Ports, Roads, Electricity Grid, Broadband – all are building blocks for global trade, for commerce, for connectivity, for opportunity, for prosperity. And they are the building blocks for the inclusive growth of the Indo-Pacific.” are necessary,” he pointed out, noting that the members of the Quad (Australia, India, Japan and the US) have provided more than $48 billion in government-backed funding for infrastructure for the region. The infrastructure coordination group launched by the Quad members Wants to catalyze even more investment and partner with Southeast Asia on infrastructure and many other shared priorities. Washington is promising to do more under the Build Back Better World initiative and the Blue Dot network. Trying to demonstrate a macroeconomic framework in the Indo-Pacific with a focus on ‘business and digital economy, technology, resilient supply chain, decarbonization and clean energy, infrastructure, worker standards and other areas of common interest’ .
Alternative models are important
The alignment between the US vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific and the ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific was outlined. Even after the release of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, the ASEAN countries do not have a common approach to dealing with the US and China. These divergent perspectives are also challenging ASEAN centrality in the Indo-Pacific. While external players will have a limited role in restoring unity within ASEAN, it will be important for Southeast Asian countries to provide appropriate alternative models of investment for development in areas such as infrastructure, digital economy, supply chain and health. The economic framework, investment plans and promises outlined by Mr. Blinken need to be operationalized quickly if Washington is to show it is indeed serious about its continued commitment to the Indo-Pacific.
Harsh V. Pant is Director, Studies and Head, Strategic Studies Programme, Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. Premesh Saha is an Associate Fellow of the Observer Research Foundation’s Strategic Studies Program
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